The Anthropology of Childhood

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My search for cases relevant to this effort did not cease, hence the need for this supplement. It offers a foretaste of additions and revisions in the next edition. The Supplement begins with an Errata section�mercifully short. Then I provide Notes, in largely undigested form, mapped into their appropriate chapter/section from the book. Certain topics have been blessed with lots of new material, in particular, on fertility and reproduction, child labor and fosterage, apprenticeship, and child soldiers, street kids and children�s agency. Additionally, the reader will find color versions of the plates from the book. I hope the user finds these notes helpful and will add to this archive by calling my attention to omissions. Errata Ch 1 p. 1 demonstrated profound and unpredicted influences of culture and formal schooling (Lancy and Strathern 1981; Lancy 1983; Ochs and Schieffelin 1984). p. 6 Note 7 It is interesting that childhood was shorter for Neanderthals, but then their tool technology was also simpler than that of humans and, presumably, took less time to master (Hawcroft and Dennell 2000). p. 18 calorific=caloric Ch 2 p. 73 Note 93 Neonatal medicine, while evolving into a multi-billion dollar industry, has also fashioned an entire culture of terms and practices to humanize or �normalize� a biologically defective organism (Isaacson 2002). Ch 3 p. 81, high-altitude living imposes Ch 4 Ch 5 p. 183 In Tamang (Nepal) custom, the first rite of passage � for boys only � is the chewar, a ceremony marking the first haircut. It is performed by the mother�s brother (Fricke 1994: 133). Ch 6 Ch 7 p. 198 �. . . youngsters seem to deliberately exploit R&T. . . as a way in which to publicly exhibit their dominance over a peer. (Pellegrini 2002: 446) p. 248 �Zapotec (Mexico) children�s excellent command of ethnobotany is described#as �everyday knowledge acquired without apparent effort at an early age by#virtually everyone in town�� (Hunn 2002: 610).# page 239 �He could also use the cattle terminology to be precise in telling an owner about a beast which has strayed or one that had a sore hoof, or one that was giving an exceptionally good or poor flow of milk. (Messing 1985:133) (Reed 1960: 133) Ch 8 p. 272 Among the traditionally hunting and fishing North American Copper Inuit p. 279 we frequently see the creation of distinct warrior sub-cultures into which young men are inducted (Gilmore 2001: 209). p. 280 The Creek of North America inflicted bloody wounds p. 301 During this profound and protracted transition, a girl�s chances of continuing her education or economic advancement may depend on her access to contraception to avoid the pregnancy that�custom demands�should end her single status Ch 9 Ch 10 p. 357 . . . we need to balance out concerns for the rights of children with a recognition that �universal� rights are often based on ethnocentric definitions of childhood. (Holloway and Valentine 2000: 10) Page 203 response from Marjorie Goodwin to my discussion of her work: With respect to your footnote about my 1998 article on p. 203... I took out the example from the white Southern, middle class, (more adjectives could apply such as Unitarian, children in a school where the principal read Deborah Tannen, etc.) in my book The Hidden Life of Girls when discussing hop scotch, because I found that white middle class girls in California are also able to be quite confrontational. In fact the book deals a lot with the ways in which girls practice exclusion, play status games, and how their ways of negotiating in games are similar across ethnic groups. I compare about six different groups in the book, as compared with the 1998 article which I admit portrayed middle class in a skewed way. When I found out that Deborah Tannen was using the 1998 article in her classes I got really concerned about what implications that article had and eliminated the example of �Southern white girls.� Email received 1/5/09. p. 205, line 18: Garry Chick Notes Preface Cecylia Maslowska assisted with translations of Gerd Spittler�s Hirtenarbeit and the late Renate Posthofen with Barbara Polak�s work in German. Sarah Gordon assisted with material in French. Chapter One: Where Do Children Come From? Is There Such a Thing as Childhood? Wicks, Ann Barrott and Avril, Ellen B. (2002) Introduction: Children in Chinese Art. Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 1-30). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii. �Possibly the earliest identifiable representation of a children in Chinese art is a small jade plaque dating from the fourth century B.C., excavated from the royal Zhongshan tombs of Hebei province. Found along with similar jade plaques of three female adults, the child is depicted frontally, wearing a skirt with an unusual checkered pattern that matches the clothing of the adults. The child�s facial features are not distinguished from those of the adults; the short stature and hairstyle are the only indications that the figure is indeed a child. The head appears to be shaved except for a small tuft of hair, or topknot, in a style that was common for young boys throughout most of China�s long history; thus the child is presumably male.� (Wicks 2002: 29) �The negligibility of childhood demonstrated by the infrequent portrayals of children is consistent with the attitude toward children that is reflected in Han burial practices. Prescriptive texts suggest that mortuary rites were not performed until a child was at least eight sui (Chinese years), and even then in an abbreviated version.� (Wicks 2002: 30) Shon, Mee-Ryong (2002) Korean early childhood education: Colonization and resistance. In Gaile S. Cannella and Joe L. Kincheloe (Eds.), Kidworld: Childhood Studies, Global Perspectives, and Education. Pp. 137-160. New York: Peter Lang. �Generally, the concept of �childhood� as a separate group from adults did not historically exist in Korean. By the time children (infant and toddler years according to the western concept) were trained in physical self-control, children leaped into the adult world by staying with elders, by practicing anticipated roles as males and females, and by engaging in early marriage.� (Shon 2002: 141) Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. ��In the Middle Ages, children were generally ignored until they were no longer children.�� (Crawford 1999: 168) Heywood, Colin (2001) A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. �Childhood is thus to a considerable degree a function of adult expectations.� (Heywood 2001: 9) But Why Bother with Childhood? Challenges in Studying Childhood Little, Christopher A. J. L. (2008) Becoming an Asabano: The Socialization of Asabano Children, Duranmin, West Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea. Unpublished Master�s Thesis. Trent University. Peterborough, Ontario, Canada. �Asabano children of Yakob Village, Duranmin, West Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea (PNG)�� (Little 2008: ii) �There are many difficulties involved in working with children that can complicate research and should be noted.� (Little 2008: 29) �Initiating oneself as an adult into children's groups can prove difficult, particularly if the researcher is especially foreign to the children. It took me more than week, for example, before many children felt comfortable enough to talk with me or have me sit around with them. Some children, particularly the youngest girls, never overcame their fear of me and there was one child that broke out into hysterics every time I walked near her, up until my very last day.� (Little 2008: 29) �Undoubtedly many children were intimidated by me and unaccustomed to an adult showing so much interest in them.� (Little 2008: 29) �Children can be manipulative, as others have noted, and working with children can also expose one to the manipulation of adults. Some children would constantly harass me for cookies, crackers, or candy, and would assert that our good relationship depended on it. � The father of a family that I had been spending much time with told me that I would have to send him and his children school books, paper, and pens because I had been studying them. His requests later grew to include clothing for the children, himself, his wife, as well as some that he could sell for profit; a tent; a sleeping bag; the best quality soccer cleats that I could buy; and new seeds for his garden.� (Little 2008: 30) �Adult community members would often attempt to force children to talk to me, which never worked, and at other times the same individuals would berate the children for bothering the �white man� if they played or sat nearby. � Adults would also tell children how to respond to my questions�even hitting them if their answers were not something they understood me to be interested in. � It was nearly impossible to coax children into doing anything or answering a question in which they did not have some short-term interest.� (Little 2008: 31) �This was due to a combination of trepidation and also because Asabano children, like children everywhere, are somewhat unruly.� (Little 2008: 31) �Other children simply did not respond to questions about dreaming or spirits. These individuals maintained eye contact until I had posed my question, at which point they would simply wander away, stare at the ground, nod confusedly, or start talking (Little 2008: 32) about things like hunting or eating, which were presumably of greater interest to them. A great many times my line of questioning was derailed by a simple silence as children either did not understand or care to respond.� (Little 2008: 33) �The communicative norms of children at Yakob�and in many ways adults as well�are somewhat of an anathema to anthropological research, which relies upon a clear question and answer format. Many children are loathe to answer simple questions let alone those that relate to abstract concepts or beliefs. � Another challenge to work at Yakob is that people do not know the age of their children, probably because it is of little relevance or interest to them.� (Little 2008: 36) �My interaction with young girls, relative to young boys was more limited. Firstly, this group is much more closely associated with their mothers and thus, the domicile. While young boys arrange themselves, on an almost daily basis, into bands to play or hunt, young girls do no not.� (Little 2008: 37) �Childhood in Yakob is characterized by much more independence � which serves to inculcate in the children, as Mead (1962[1935]:209) remarks of the Mundugumur, "a sturdy degree of independence." Little discipline is given to these children�by either parents or other adults�and that which is, is pursued without much vigour.� (Little 2008: 49) Gurven, Michael and Walker, Robert (2006) Energetic demand of multiple dependents and the evolution of slow human growth. Proceedings of the Royal Society 273: 835-841. Simulation study supports the thesis that slow human growth followed by a rapid adolescent growth spurt may have facilitated rising human fertility rates and greater investments in neural capital. In effect, because dependent offspring are growing slowly, their energetic needs are relatively easy to meet. By adolescence, children should be better able to acquire their own caloric needs, so a growth spurt makes sense. It provides the somatic basis for child-bearing. My weaving together biological and cultural anthropology is currently out-of-fashion. But I would cite the late Don Tuzin�s chastisement of Marshall Sahlins�the great nay-sayer of the biological or evolutionary perspective. �Sahlins, it seems, would have us ignore these contributions and indulge in that sterile narcissism toward which anthropology is fatally tempted, viz., the reifying error entailed in the autonomy of culture�� (Gurven 2006: 67). Tuzin, Donald (1980) The Voice of the Tambaran: Truth and Illusion in Ilahita Arapesh Religion. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. Outline of the Volume Balancing the Equation: Gerontocracy Seymour, Susan C. (2001). Child care in India: An examination of the "Household Size/Infant Indulgence" hypothesis. Cross-Cultural Research (35): 3-22. Research carried out in Bhubaneswar, capital of Orissa state, west India. �In the more traditional, patrifocal families of the Old Town, early child care in the 1960s was focused on the physical well-being of the child�holding, carrying, sleeping with, ritually bathing, and nursing�and was provided by many household members. Caretakers were not, however, quick to respond to an infant�s signals for attention and did not lavish special attention on young children. In fact, focusing special attention on an infant was considered dangerous because it might attract the evil eye or some other undesirable force that would endanger the child�s life. Furthermore, children�s expressions of distress or displeasure during nursing or the daily ritual bath were usually ignored. Mothers, for example, rarely nursed a child to satisfaction but stopped and let her cry for a while before continuing the intermittent feeding process. The general atmosphere in middle- and upper-status Old Town households was one of children being taken for granted, given physical care and protection, and little other special attention. And children quickly learned that care and attention came from a variety of other persons, not just from one�s mother. For example, mothers accounted for only 53% of all nurturant acts directed to infants and young children. Grandmothers and older female siblings accounted for another 27%, with the remainder distributed among such other household members as fathers, aunts, male siblings, and cousins.� (p. 14). ��there were numerous constraints put on young mothers to prevent them from focusing too much attention on a new infant. Close, intimate mother-child bonds were viewed as potentially disruptive to the collective well-being of the extended family�. In such families, much early child care was organized so as to subtly push the infant away from an exclusive dependence on its mother toward membership in the larger group.� (p. 15) Balancing the equation In my diagram, contrasting our neontocracy with the rest of the world�s gerontocracy, I created a composite. Pamela Reynolds, actually characterized the Tonga society she studied in much the same way: Reynolds, Pamela (1991) Dance Civet Cat: Child Labour in the Zambezi Valley. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. �I have pictured the life cycles as a funnel drawing the person�as born undifferentiated into society on earth (nyika)�up until he or she dies, having acquired under normal circumstances full membership rights and a ticket to joining the host of shades (mizimu). � In the first stage when a child is born dead he/she is returned straight to the earth. In the past, and sometimes still, the infant was placed in a pot make of earth (yet symbolizing life-giving qualities of grain and water) and then buried in an anthill far from the homestead. Anthills possess ritual significance. If the infant lives for a week or two before dying, he or she is buried closer to the homestead in a grave, but no formal ritual is observed and only women attend the burial (stage two). Colson (1962:15) notes that, formerly, when a child died before it was named, there was no mourning for no shades were involved. She adds, �Even today, the old women will tell the mother to hush her wailing, saying this in only a ghost (cello) or only a person (muntu), and the mourning is usually curtailed.� The death of a child who has cut his teeth is marked by ritual procedure that takes half as long as that followed on the death of an adult, but it is otherwise the same. The child is buried within the homestead clearing (stage three). (Reynolds 1991: 97) From the age of about ten the ritual of burial is the same for a child as for an adult. The grave is dug within the homestead clearing. The death of a child over ten differs from that of an adult accorded full status in the society only in that the spirit of a child is not recalled a year after the funeral as is the spirit of an adult. Only those who reproduce (both as parents and householders) are granted full adult status after death, only their spirits are secured a position of influence over the living.� (Reynolds 1991: 98) # When is it a child�when does it stop being a child? Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Ola-pe (or olako) is the term for children from birth to 4 or years old. Tsetseya-pe refers to those from about age 6 to 12 or 13. Elati-nakwete refers to boys during their teens and up until they get married at about age 20. Tlakwenakweko is the term for girls in their teens until they marry at about age 17. Elati is the term for adults of both sexes; Elati-ka-eh is the term for someone who has already had 2 or 3 children; Pa-nekwete is the term for a person about 45-60 years old; Pa-nekwete-ka-eh refers to one in the 70s; and Balambala is someone who is really old and frail. There is no noticeable generation gap. Teenagers look up to adults and get along with their leaders. This is at least partly due to the fact that adults do not control them and rarely express strong opinions about whom they should marry. Furthermore, egalitarianism means that each individual has considerable autonomy.� (Marlowe 2010: 55) van der Geest, Sjaak (2004) Grandparents and grandchildren in Kwahu, Ghana: The performance of respect. Africa 74(1): 47-61. ��during a few discussion with young men aged around eighteen. I asked them what they meant when they said�as they had been doing�that they respected older people. One of them answered: �The meaning of respect we have for the old is that the old are far more advanced in years than we. So, when you get nearer to them and respect them, they will reveal to you how they got to that age and they will tell you traditions and customs that will enable you also to reach that age.�� (van der Geest 2004: 53) �I asked them how they showed respect and invited them to give concrete examples of respectful behavior in their own house. One of them said: �it is something that we the Akan have done over the years and which has come to stay. White men have a different lifestyle. I have some relatives who were born and bred in Canada and came back home recently. When they are engaged in work and you call them, they will not mind you because they want to use their time according to their personal plans without interruption. But Akan are not like this. Even when you are asleep and an old person calls you, you cannot ignore him. Whether you like it or not, you have to wake up and attend to his call. Respect is our tradition.� (van der Geest 2004: 54) On the subject of neontocracy vs gerontocracy, I found this quote revealing: �Childhood, according to the seventeenth-century French cleric Pierre de B�rulle, �is the most vile and abject state of human nature, after that of death.�� (Guillaumin/Crosland 1983: 3) Emile Guillaumin (trans. Margaret Crosland) (1983). The Life of a Simple Man. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England. Not a neontocracy Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. ��In the Middle Ages, children were generally ignored until they were no longer children.�� (Crawford 1999: 168) [Footnote refers to Emile Guillaumin 1983]� (Heywood 2001:9) Emile Guillaumin trans. Margaret Crosland (1983). The Life of a Simple Man. Hanover, NH: University Press of New England, p. 3. �Childhood, according to the seventeenth-century French cleric Pierre de B�rulle, �is the most vile and abject state of human nature, after that of death.� Fiske's ethnographic account of Moose (Burkina Faso) intellectual life is complemented by comparative analyses of cognitive Tuzin, Donald (1980) The Voice of the Tambaran: Truth and Illusion in Ilahita Arapesh Religion. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. ��an interactionist perspective on culture and praxis. Sahlins, it seems, would have us ignore these contributions and indulge in that sterile narcissism toward which anthropology is fatally tempted, viz., the reifying error entailed in the autonomy of culture�� (p.67n) LeVine, Robert A. (2007) Ethnographic studies of childhood: A historical overview. American Anthropologist, 109(2):247-260. �Boas (1912) formulated a developmental perspective suggesting not only that human growth is influenced by environmental factors but also that, given the gradual maturation of the human nervous system, the child�s �mental makeup� must also be affected by �the social and geographical environment (Boas �quotes� 1912:217-218).� (249) Boas, Franz (1912) Instability of Human Types, in Papers on Interracial Problems communicated to the First Universal Races Congress Held at the University of London, July 26-29, 1911. Gustav Spiller, ed. Pp. 99-103. Boston: Ginn and Co. �Anthropologists are at least partly dependent on developmental knowledge from other disciplines�however, this guidance was unreliable, as one developmental theory followed another into the trash heap of history.� (249) �Anthropologists have continued to exercise their veto with evidence from non-Western cultures.� (250) LaFraniere, Sharon (2005) Forced to marry before puberty, African girls pay lasting price. New York Times, Nov. 27th, Web Edition So to feed his wife and five children, he said, he went to his neighbor, Anderson Kalabo, and asked for a loan. Mr. Kalabo gave him 2,000 kwacha, about $16. But that created another problem: how could Mr. Simbeye, a penniless farmer, repay Mr. Kalabo? The answer would shock most outsiders, but in sub-Saharan Africa's rural patriarchies, it is deeply ingrained custom. Mr. Simbeye sent his 11-year-old daughter, Mwaka, a shy first grader�she became a servant to his first wife, and, she said, Mr. Kalabo's new bed partner. (p. 1) Legislation before Parliament would raise the minimum age for marriage to 18, the legal age in most countries. Currently, marriages of Malawian girls from 15 to 18 are legal with the parents' consent. (p. 2) Penston Kilembe, Malawi's director of social welfare services. "It is particularly prevalent in communities that have been hard hit by famine. Households that can no longer fend for themselves opt to sell off their children to wealthier households." (p. 2) /2005/11/27/international/africa/27malawi.html?pagewanted=1&emc=eta1 Sommerville, John C. (1982). The rise and fall of childhood. Sage Library of Social Research, Volume 140. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. �In looking back through history we are always too ready to assume our present attitudes and habits are normal and to judge others on the basis of what seems to us self-evident�we should begin by trying to see ourselves as our ancestors might see us, or as some future historian might look back on our times.� (p 11) Gielen, Uwe P. (2004) The Cross-cultural Study of Human Development: An Opinionated Historical Introduction. In Gielen, Uwe P., & Roopnarine, Jaipaul (Eds). Childhood and Adolescence: Cross-Cultural Perspectives and Applications. (pp.3-45), Westport, CT: Praeger. �American psychology soon became a monocultural enterprise paying lip service to the importance of culture while ignoring it in practice� (10). Broude, Gwen J. (1975) Norms of Premarital Sexual Behavior: A Cross-Cultural Study. Ethos, 3(3), 381-401. �Societies take what are essentially straightforward, biologically grounded dispositions, for example puberty, or pregnancy, or menstruation, and weave around them the most intricate webs of custom, attitude, and belief.� (381; abstract) Stewart, Martha (2004) The catalog for living:Halloween, Pueblo, CO: Martha Stewart Living Omnimedia 19 pages of items for children or parents and children (e.g. Halloween character cookie cutters for joint baking activities). Featured items include �bat Garlands,� ($24), �pack of rats,� ($24) and �ancient tombstones� ($57 for a set of 3). Costumes range from �bat� ($39) to �mummy� ($49) to �chicken� ($79). The well-prepared Halloween household should budget several hundred dollars for this critical undertaking. Moon, Jacob (2004) Potty on, dude. Salt Lake Tribune, 8/14, E 1, 8 New technology for potty-training�internet marketing. ��the transition from diapers to underwear can be a formidable task.� (p E1) # HYPERLINK "http://www.po" ##www.po# Owner plans to establish a presence in shopping mall w/ kiosks selling potty-training products: �You can literally equip yourself with an arsenal of items, so you can go into the battleground of potty training with a stubborn youngster and win.� (p. E 8) Zipf, George K. (1949). Human Behavior and the Principle of Least Effort: An Introduction to Human Ecology. Cambridge, MA: Addison-Wesley Press. ��we are contending that the entire behavior of an individual is at all times motivated by the urge to minimize effort.� (p 3) R.H. Waters, �The principle of least effort of learning,� Journal of General Psychology, Vol. 16 (1937), 3-20. Note: Need to discuss my focus, which is on the �big picture.� If one focuses, microscopically, on the �little picture,� one sees lots of social construction and negotiation of roles and outcomes. For example, in a sociologistic study. But my focus is a wider angle. I�m more interested in the recurring events, solutions and activities that show less variability from child to child or generation to generation. �The field of developmental psychology is an ethnocentric one dominated by a Euro-American perspective.� (Greenfield, & Cocking, 1994: ix) �In looking back through history we are always too ready to assume our present attitudes and habits are normal and to judge others on the basis of what seems to us self-evident�we should begin by trying to see ourselves as our ancestors might see us, or as some future historian might look back on our times.� (Sommerville,1982:11) �We cannot assume that twentieth century western attitudes towards people of different ages can be extrapolated back into the past. People in the fifth and sixth century CE may have had radically different conceptions of what we now call, and think of as, children and adults.� (Lucy, 1994: 26) In middle-class Euroamerican society, we take conception, pregnancy, child-birth, nursing and infant care largely for granted. The real work of the parents, their �job,� if you will, begins when the child starts to become vocal, mobile and capable of learning. In most of the rest of the world and in history, this distribution of responsibility is skewed in exactly the opposite direction. That is, conception is critical because the assurance of paternity determines whether the husband or partner and his kin will provide resources and care for the infant or abandon the mother and/or the child (Wilson & Daly 2002). Pregnancy is a critical period because of the dangers of miscarriages and still-birth and of birth defects. Pregnant mothers are ringed around with taboos and, among the most common, is the proscription against intercourse during pregnancy. Child-birth is critical because of the enormous risks faced by both mother and newborn. Again, most cultures mark this critical rite-of- passage with ritual, folk medicine and taboos. Nearly all societies hold very strict views on the necessity for almost constant contact between a mother or other nurturing adult and the infant. They are fed on demand, carried constantly and sleep with their mother. Young mothers are severely chastised for any lapse in infant care. However, once the infant begins to walk, it immediately joins a social network in which its mother plays a sharply diminished role�especially if she�s pregnant�and its father may play no role at all. I need to make a point about the stability of culture. That even though we use the �ethnographic present� when discussing cultural practices, we must recognize that modern forces of diffusion and social change are extremely powerful and the whole notion of isolated, homogenous cultures is no longer valid. As an analogy consider a well-defined series of stratigraphic layers with clear separation of �horizons� or �epochs� and, suddenly, the site is impacted by a flash flood which confuses the stratigraphy. We still find artifacts, and pollen, and other �data� but it is much harder to make sense of since we lost the context. Essentially, my approach is to try and look at children in culture before the flood. In our society we�re supposed to look upon child-bearing and rearing as a privilege, children are �gifts.� But wait a minute, what about the extra effort Mishra, Ramesh C., Dasen, Pierre R., & Niraula, Shanta (2003). Ecology, language, and performance on spatial cognitive tasks. International Journal of Psychology, 38(6): 366-383. �We developed the study within the eco-cultural framework developed by Berry et al. (1992) According to this framework, individual psychological characteristics are functionally linked to culture, which is itself an adaptations to ecological and sociohistorical contexts. In other words, people develop preferentially those skills that are needed in a particular eco-cultural setting.� (p 371) Berry, J.W., Poortinga, Y.H., Segall, M.H., & Dasen, P.R. (1992). Cross-cultural psychology: Research and applications. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Rogoff, Barbara (2003). The Cultural Nature of Human Development. Oxford; New York: Oxford University Press. �In the U.K., it is an offense to leave a child under age 14 years without adult supervision (Subbotsky, 1995).� (p 4) Subbotsky, E. (1995). The development of pragmatic and non-pragmatic motivation. Human Development, 38, 217-234. Rogoff notes that the preoccupation with precise chronological age and attendant culturally marked milestones is uniquely Western and quite recent historically. She doesn�t connect this to the growing demand for accelerated intellectual development and formal education. In many ways, cultural psychology- as presented by this book and earlier books by Cole, Scribner, Lave- is just catching up to where cultural anthropology was in the 1960s. That is, comparative anthropology of human society had been dominated by rigid, mechanistic stage theories- those were shown to be undesirable and were abandoned in favor of cultural relativism- that, in effect, there are few or no aspects of culture that are possible to scale, that classical scientific analyses did not apply. That the most sophisticated theoretical treatment one could apply was strictly local. This was structuralism/functionalism that aimed to show how particular patterns of child care and child life in a society could be best explained by reference to other, more fundamental values and attributes of the society. In essence, all cross-cultural child psychology is analogous to assembling large jigsaw puzzles. You collect the pieces of the puzzle that show children in them and you try to fit them into the larger puzzle. Any comparison you might make with another society, especially US, was only for purposes of establishing that culture indeed does make a difference. There is no attempt to develop an overarching theory that would explain practices in culture A and culture B. My emergent literacy model explains both the successful acquisition of literacy in middle-class children and the failure to acquire literacy in ghetto-reared children. Caplan, Nathan S., Whitmore, John K, & Choy, Marcella H. (1991). Children of the boat people: A Study of Educational Success. Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan Press. �Schooling becomes the functional equivalent of in-house detention and, in the end, pedagogy does not work and social ills are not cured: the best that can be expected under these circumstances is for schools to function solely to keep kids off the streets.� (p 157) Dardess, John (1991). Childhood in Premodern China. In Joseph M. Hawes & N. Ray Hiner, (Eds.) Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective. (p. 71-94) Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. �Ancient ritual detailed a regimen called �placental instruction: (t�ai-chiao), in which the pregnant mother sought to shape the character of the coming child by restricting her activities, avoiding bitter or spicy foods, and listening to refined music and elevated moral discourse.� (p 75) �Huo T�ao had no tolerance for play. Instead, children must practice treating one another as adults. Here is what he mandates: Revering friends: As for families with children, as soon as a child is able to walk and talk, it must be taught not to play with other children. When [children] see each other in the morning, they must be taught to bow solemnly to each other.� (p 76) The Chinese instituted formal, structured public education hundreds of years before other civilizations. �These schools gave instruction �in the chores of cleaning and sweeping, in the formalities of polite conversation and good manners, and in the refinements [of the Six Arts] of ritual, music, archery, charioteering, calligraphy, and mathematics.� (p 78) Elementary instruction for all students from 8-14, and advanced instruction beyond 14 for the most talented. Great emphasis placed on manners, dress and decorum even for the very young. Other writes cautioned against the harmful effect on children of games of chance, theatrical performances, and itinerant story-tellers. Presumably these activities inflame passions and awaken motives better left dormant. It is quite clear that several Chinese philosophers took upon themselves the development of a body of theory about childhood. Exceptionally bright children were a cause for alarm because they would be difficult to control, their boredom with conventional schooling leading them into mischief. Women were denied education or even rudimentary literacy. Nicolas, David (1991). Children in Medieval Europe. In Joseph M. Hawes & N. Ray Hiner (Eds.), Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective. (p. 31-52) Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. �In many sources infancy lasted until age seven, then was followed by puerility, which lasted until fourteen, and then youth, extending to age twenty-eight.� (p 33) French, Valerie (1991). Children in Antiquity. In Joseph M. Hawes & N. Ray Hiner (Eds.), Children in Historical and Comparative Perspective. (p. 13-29) Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. ��clear picture of thousands of children subjected to infanticide, sale, neglect, abandonment, and horrendous abuse (emotional, physical, and sexual). Nor can there be much doubt that ancient societies tended to devote more effort and resources to rearing male children.� (p 13) Boswell, John (1988). The Kindness of Strangers. New York: Pantheon Books. Notes that Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the great proponent of liberal treatment of children, himself placed all five of his children in a foundling home. Notes Clement of Alexandria�s admonitions to Christian men to avoid brothels for fear of unknowingly committing incest with a son or daughter they had abandoned, as these unwanted children often ended up as prostitutes. ��Child� is itself not an uncomplicated term.� (p 26) He goes on to make the point that we can define childhood in medieval times from our modern perspective- e.g. infancy to age 21- of from their perspective, toddlerhood to age 6, 7. �Terms for �child,� �boy,� and �girl,� for example, are regularly employed to mean �slave� or �servant� in Greek, Latin, Arabic, Syriac, and many medieval languages.� (p 27) ��during most of Western history only a minority of grown-ups ever achieved such independence: the rest of the population remained throughout their lives in a juridical status more comparable to �childhood,� in the sense that they remained under someone else�s control-a father, a lord, a master, a husband, etc.� (p 27) �Romans were not legally required to keep any of the children born to them. One of the duties citizens had to the state, at least from the time of Augustus, was to produce heirs, but the point of this obligation was to increase the numbers of the privileged classes, not to encourage a love of children.� (p 58) P 69: Constantine in 313 made legitimate the rights of parents to sell children into slavery. He also revoked the legal right of natal parents to reclaim children they�d abandoned. Hardman, Charlotte (1980). Can there be an anthropology of children? Journal of the Anthropological Society of Oxford, 4:85-89. Pg. 86: Author asks: �Are children a valid group for anthropologists to study?� Author trying to grapple with problem of teasing Child culture apart from adult culture. Are children something other than incomplete adults? Strier, Karen B. (2003). Primate Behavioral Ecology, Second Edition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon. �Comparing the size of the neocortex relative to the rest of the brain provides a neocortex ratio, which can then be compared across primates that differ from one another in body size, rates of development, and energetic requirements.� (p 37) ��the primates with the largest grooming networks are those with the correspondingly largest neocortex ratios.� (p 37) ��from Dunbar�s perspective, the ability to maintain the social alliances that are the �crucial basis for primate sociality� was the primary selective factor in the evolution of large primate brains.� (p 37) Dunbar, Robin I. M. (1998). The social brain hypothesis. Evolutionary Anthropology 6:178-190. The role of ecology: P 116- Chimp and red colobus-their prey- behave differently in Gombe vs Tai forest. In Tai, colobus hide in high forest canopy; hence chimps need to hunt cooperatively. In Gombe, individual hunters are sometimes successful but can be driven of by mobbing. �The advantage of living among kin, whose overlapping genetic interests make them more reliable allies than nonkin, may be one of the most important factors underlying dispersal patterns in primates. In fact, we would predict that female primates should remain in their natal groups when the benefits of having allies nearby and of being on hand to help a close relative outweigh the costs from competition for food or other resources�� (p 123) �With reciprocal altruism, as with the predicted effects of kin selection and natural selection on behavior, there is no need to assume that the animals are conscious of their motives or the reproductive consequences of their behavior. Instead, we predict that fitness-enhancing actions will be selected for, and then seek ways of testing our predictions by comparing our observations of behavior-what the animals actually do-against our predictions. A recipient of an altruistic act who fails to reciprocate is a cheater. Cheaters may gain in the short run by receiving aid without any costs to their own fitness, but if reciprocity is a requisite for future support, then in the long run their fitness should suffer compared to individuals who reciprocate. An altruist should likewise be selected for the ability to distinguish between cheaters and noncheaters, and to remember and deny help to those who have failed to reciprocate in the past. Engaging in affiliative interactions, such as grooming, may be one of the ways in which primates develop reputations as worthwhile allies.� (p 129) �Macaque and baboon matrilines may become so large, for example, that within-group competition among females for food outweighs the benefit of cooperation among female kin in defending food resources against other groups of related females�� (p 132) Greenfield, Patricia M. & Cocking, Rodney R., eds. (1994). Cross-Cultural Roots of Minority Child Development, Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum. �The field of developmental psychology is an ethnocentric one dominated by a Euro-American perspective.� (p ix) Gaskins, Suzanne (2003). All in a day�s work. Paper presented at Symposium �The Cultural Construction of Play,� Jean Piaget Society Annual Meeting. Chicago, IL, June 5th 2003. [Mayan children] do not seem to carry the same emotional baggage that Euro-American children do, and thus they do not need play or any other such mechanism to discharge it.� (p 5) Major, cross-cutting themes�.childhood in the human life cycle (Bogin), success of human species, relative value of children, US views vs the world Sommerville, John C. (1982). The rise and fall of childhood. Sage Library of Social Research, Volume 140. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. �In looking back through history we are always too ready to assume our present attitudes and habits are normal and to judge others on the basis of what seems to us self-evident�we should begin by trying to see ourselves as our ancestors might see us, or as some future historian might look back on our times.� (p 11) �The all-time best-selling book in American history, after the Bible, is Benjamin Spock�s Baby and Child Care- 30 million copies in its first 30 years.� (p 12) �It is always easier to describe the official view of childhood than to say what effect it had.� (p 55) Tooby, John & Cosmides, Leda (1992). The psychological foundations of culture. In J. Tooby, L. Cosmides, & J. Barkow, eds., The adapted mind: Evolutionary psychology and the generation of culture, pg 19-136. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ��genetic variation does not explain why human groups dramatically differ from each other in thought and behavior.� (p 25) �Although infants everywhere are the same, adults everywhere differ profoundly in their behavioral and mental organization.� (p 25) �Driven by these fears to an attitude that Daly and Wilson (1988) have termed �biophobia,� the social science community lays out implicit and sometimes explicit ground rules in its epistemological hierarchy: The tough-minded and moral stance is to be skeptical of panspecific �nativist� claims; that is, of accounts that refer in any way to the participation of evolved psychological mechanisms together with environmental variables in producing outcomes, no matter how logically inescapable or empirically well-supported they may be.� (p 36) ��those who propose theories of how environments regulate behavior or even psychological phenomena without describing or even mentioning the evolved mechanisms their theories would require to be complete or coherent. In practice, communities whose rules of discourse are governed by incoherent environmentalism consider any such trend toward explicitness to be introducing vague and speculative variables and-more to the point-to be in bad taste as well. The simple act of providing a complete model is to invoke evolved design and, hence, to court being called a genetic or biological determinist.� (p 37) �The most scientifically damaging aspect of this value system has been that it leads anthropologists to actively reject conceptual frameworks that identify meaningful dimensions of cross-cultural uniformity in favor of alternative vantage points from which cultures appear maximally differentiated. Distinctions can easily be found and endlessly multiplied, and it is an easy task to work backward from some particular difference to find a framework from which the difference matters (e.g. while �mothers� may exist both there and here, motherhood here is completely difference from motherhood there because mothers there are not even conceptualized as being blood kin, but rather as the wife of one�s father, etc., etc.). The failure to view such variation as always profoundly differentiating is taken to imply the lack or a sophisticated and professional appreciation of the rich details of ethnographic reality.� (p 44) Bogin, Barry (1998). Evolutionary and biological aspects of childhood. In Biosocial Perspectives of Children, ed. C. Panter-Brick, pp. 10-17. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �It is argued here than childhood is a unique stage of the human life cycle, a stage not to be found in the life cycle of any other living mammal.� (p 12) �The ontogeny of an individual organism is, metaphorically, a scrapbook of the biological history of that species.� (p 13) �The majority of mammals progress from infancy to adulthood seamlessly, without any intervening stages�� (p 17) �Highly social mammals, such as wolves, wild dogs, lions, elephants, and the primates, postpone puberty by inserting a period of juvenile growth and behaviour between infancy and adulthood. Juveniles may be defined as, ��prepubertal individuals that are no longer dependent on their mothers (parents) for survival� (Pereira and Altmann, 1985: 236).� (p 17) Philosophy regarding role of parents: LeVine, Robert A. (2004)Challenging Expert Knowledge: Findings from an African Study of Infant Care and Development. In Gielen, Uwe P., & Roopnarine, Jaipaul (Eds). Childhood and Adolescence: Cross-Cultural Perspectives and Applications. (pp.149-165), Westport, CT: Praeger. Critical of universality claim for western-derived child development theories, attachment theory, in particular. Criticizes attachment theorists for ignoring cross-cultural research that failed to fit the model. Identifies the problem as ��child development field�s dual identity as an ideological advocacy movement for the humane treatment of children and a scientific research endeavor seeking knowledge and understanding�� (p. 151) �We found the Gusii mothers extremely responsive to their infant�s distress signals but quite unresponsive to their nondistress vocalizations (i.e., babbling)� (154). �We found that Gusii mothers rarely looked at or spoke to their infants and toddlers, even when they were holding and breast-feeding them. More specifically, only 1 percent of the Gusii mothers� acts toward their infants at nine to ten months (in the coded narrative observations) involved looking, while looking constituted 43 percent of the Boston mothers� behavior� (156). �The Gusii mothers in our sample expected their infants and toddlers to comply with their wishes, and they could be harsh (by American standards) in exerting control over them. They rarely praised their infants or asked them questions but tended to issue commands and threats in communicating with them� (156). Fouts, Hillary N. (2005) Families in Central Africa: A Comparison of Bofi Farmer and Forager Families. In Roopnarine, Jaipaul L. (Ed.). Families in Global Perspective. (pp.347-363), Boston: Pearson. The Bofi farmers fall into the �authoritarian� parenting style, which includes parents deliberately trying to control and modify their children�s behavior and valuing obedience and respect. Bofi farmer children do not fit into the predicted child behavior outcomes, which include the following features: often socially withdrawn, lack of empathy, aggressiveness, and little initiative. Bofi farmer children are very active, show much initiative, are rarely withdrawn, and exhibit empathy in many contexts. Although this particular developmental model works very well in evaluating parenting and child development among Americans, it has very little explanatory power among the Bofi foragers and farmers� (361). Hewlett (1992) found that the Aka (Congolese forest dwellers) parenting styles did not fit with predicted developmental psychology outcomes proposed by Baumrind�s (1971) parenting style theory. Hewlett, Barry S. (1992) The parent-infant relationship and social-emotional development among Aka pygmies. In Jaipaul L. Roopnarine & D.Bruce Carter (Eds.), Parent-child socialization in diverse cultures (pp. 223-243). Norwood, NJ: Ablex Baumrind, Diana (1971) Current patterns of parental authority. Developmental Psychology Monographs, 4(no. 1, part 2), 1-103. Philosophy regarding parental responsibility and infant intellifgence May be covered in Chapter 2 or Chapter 1 Pereira, M.E. and Altmann, J. (1985). Development of social behavior in free-living nonhuman primates. In: Nonhuman Primate Models for Human Growth and Development, ed. E.S. Watts, pp. 217-309. New York: Alan R. Liss. �Human growth and development from birth to reproductive maturity may be characterized by five stages: (1) infancy, (2) childhood, (3) juvenile, (4) adolescence and (5) adulthood (Bogin, 1988, 1995). Thus, humans add childhood and adolescence to the pattern found for primates and other highly social mammals. Each of the human stages of growth can be defined by clear biological and behavioural characteristics, especially those related to the rate of growth, feeding and reproductive behaviour.� (p 18) Relative to chimps, humans are weaned early, when they�ve reached about 2.1 times their birth weight. �Childhood is defined here as the period following weaning, when the youngster still depends on older people for feeding and protection. Children require specially prepared foods due to the immaturity of their dentition and digestive tracts, and the rapid growth of their brain.� (p 21) �These constraints of a small digestive system, immature dentition and calorie demanding brain necessitate a diet low in total volume but dense in energy, lipids and proteins. Children are also especially vulnerable to predation because of their small body size and to many diseases, and thus require protection. Given all of this, there is no society in which children survive if deprived of this special care in feeding and protection which must be provided by older individuals. Important developments that allow children to progress to the juvenile stage of growth and development are the eruption of the first permanent molars and completion of growth of the brain (in weight).� (p 21-22) �At this stage of development the child become much more capable dentally of processing an adult-type diet (Smith, 1991a). Furthermore, nutrient requirements for the maintenance and the growth of both brain and body capacities mature to new levels of self-sufficiency�� (p 22) �In girls, the juvenile period ends, on average, at about the age of 10 years. This is 2 years before it usually ends in boys, the difference reflection the earlier onset of puberty in girls. Human adolescence begins with puberty, marked by some visible sign of sexual maturation such as pubic hair (indeed the term is derived from the Latin pubescere: to grow hairy). The adolescent stage also includes the development of the secondary sexual characteristics and the onset of adult patterns of sociosexual and economic behavior. These physical and behavioral changes at puberty occur in many species of social mammals. What makes human adolescence different is that during this stage both boys and girls experience a rapid acceleration in the growth of virtually all skeletal tissue-the adolescent growth spurt.� (p 22-23) �Adolescence ends and early adulthood begins with the completion of the growth spurt, the attainment of adult stature, the completion of dental maturation (eruption of the third molar, if present) and the achievement of full reproductive maturity (Figure 2.5). The latter includes both physiological, socioeconomic and psychobehavioral attributes which coincide, on average, by about age 19 in women and 21-25 years of age in men�� (p 23) Bogin, B. and Smith, B.H. (1996). Evolution of the human life cycle. American Journal of Human Biology (in press). �At brain sizes above 850 cc the size of the pelvic inlet of the fossil hominids, and living people, does not allow for sufficient foetal growth. Thus, a period of rapid postnatal brain growth and slow body growth- the human pattern-is needed to reach adult brain size.� (p 26) Humans have rapid feotal and post-foetal brain growth. Shift occurred due to limitations of pelvis. Childhood may provide the time and the continuation of parental investment necessary to grow the larger human brain. Following this line of reasoning, any fossil human, or any of our fossil hominid ancestors, with an adult brain size above Martin�s �cerebral Rubicon� of 850 cc may have included a childhood stage of growth as part of its life history.� (p 27) �Later H. erectus, with adult brain sizes up to 1100 cc, are depicted with further expansions of childhood and the insertion of the adolescent stage. In addition to bigger brains, later H. erectus shows increased complexity of technology (tools, fire and shelter) and social organization that were likely correlates of the biology and behavior associated with further development of the childhood stage.� (p 29) Chimps vs. humans: chimps begin reproducing late in their life-cycle (14) when only about a third of all chimps survive into their 20s. Also, they require a long inter-birth interval (5.5 years). Hence, their population barely grows at all. Orangutans have even larger inter-birth intervals and also very slow or non-existent population growth. �Our ancestors overcame the demographic dilemma by reducing the length of infancy and inserting childhood between the end of infancy and the juvenile period. Free from the demands of nursing and the physiological brake that nursing places on ovulation (Ellison, 1990), mothers could reproduce soon after their infants became children.� (p 31) Cites !Kung at 4.7 children/woman and Hadza at 6.15 children/woman. The Hadza wean 1 year earlier. �!Kung, Hadza and all human parents help to ensure survival of their offspring by provisioning all their children with food, not just their current infant, for a decade or longer. The child must be given foods that are specially chosen and prepared and these may be provided by older juveniles, adolescents or adults.� (p 33) Estioko-Griffin, A. (1986). Daughters of the forest. Natural History, 95, 36-43. Lancaster, J.B. and Lancaster, C.S. (1983). Parental investment: the hominid adaptation. In: How Humans Adapt, ed. D.J. Ortner, pp. 33-65. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. ��growth patterns of body, face and brain allow the human child to maintain a superficially infantile (i.e. �cute�) appearance longer than any other mammalian species (Table 2.1 in Appendix). The infantile appearance of children facilitates parental investment by maintaining the potential for nurturing behavior of older individuals towards both infants and dependent children�� (p 35) These adaptations are necessary because care and feeding of children requires investment by extended kin. Human beings insert the childhood stage between infancy and the juvenile period. This results in an additional 4 years of relatively slow physical growth and allows for behavioural experience that further enhances developmental plasticity. The combined result is increased fitness (reproductive success). By comparison, humans in traditional societies, such as hunters and gatherers and horticulturalists, rear about 50% of their live-born offspring to adulthood. Monkeys and apes rear between 12 and 36% of live-born offspring to adulthood.� (p 36-37) �McCabe (1988) review the work of Alley and other similar studies. Taken together, these studies indicate that adults are more likely to protect or nurture individuals with �neotenous� facial features. McCabe defines such features as having a relatively large ratio of cranium size to lower face size. McCabe also cites studies of the facial features of nursery school-aged children under court protection for abuse compared with non-abused age-matched controls. The abused children had smaller ratios of the cranium/lower face. i.e. they were less �neotenous� or �cute�, than the non-abused controls.� (p 40) McCabe, V. (1988). Facial proportions, perceived age, and caregiving. In: Social and Applied Aspects of Perceiving Faces, ed. T.R. Alley, pp. 89-95. Hillsdale, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Compare �The Artful Dodger� Nieuwenhuys, Olga (1996). The paradox of child labor and anthropology. Annual Review of Anthropology, 25:237-51. �Children�s lives have been a constant theme in anthropology.� (p 242) Sommerville, John C. (1982). The rise and fall of childhood. Sage Library of Social Research, Volume 140. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage Publications. Industrial revolution c 1780 1830 child began work at age eight, 5-6 AM to 8-9 PM, beaten if late to work and for various other minor infractions. Paradox that this lowest point in history of childhood was associated with a huge wave of sentimentalism re children which Dickens, among others, partly created and rode to great popularity. Pollock, Linda A. (1983). Forgotten children: Parent-child relations from 1500 to 1900. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press). Study of 416 diaries from the 16th to 19th centuries. Represent a mostly middle/upper-middle class sample. �Inoculation for smallpox was introduced to England in 1718. The custom met with great opposition, particularly from the church which was still denouncing it as wicked and unnatural in 1760.� (p 231) �C. Mather (1663-1728) described the dilemma which occurred when his duty as a minister clashed with his duty as a parent. At the onset of a smallpox outbreak in 1721, his 15-year-old son wished to be protected. However, *Mather, as a minister, believed that his congregation would turn against him, arguing that he was interfering with the acts of God, if he allowed it.� (p 234) Many parents still refused to inoculate, even after safe, reliable vaccination was available. �It was fundamental to the Puritan doctrine that all people were innately sinful and it was essential that a child should be aware of this fact in order that the way be paved for that child�s salvation.� (p 251) It seems likely that this sort of scare tactic was akin to the threats of bogeyman, monsters, and witches in an earlier age. Fear is used as an instrument of discipline and social control. Sometimes this would backfire, one diarist daughter (Boswell cited in pp 253) became so afraid of death, she abandoned all religious beliefs, including belief in God-to deny God was to deny death. Nevertheless, it was widespread practice at least until the 19th century to threaten children with death and hellfire damnation for being �naughty.� Gannett News Service (1992) Teach preschooler's more, studies say. Salt Lake Tribune, 8/25, p A14. "...by the time he enters kindergarten at age 5, it may be too late to catch up. You can spot a dropout as early as kindergarten....This is not a time when you can just let a child be babysat until they're more alive and more interesting...There's a real job for parents to do, and it's not just hanging around to make sure their child doesn't eat poison." Robert. G. Edgerton (1992) Sick Societies, New York Free Press. Cites Tasmanians whose culture - especially tools became simplier over time rather than more complex - they actually lost the capacity for fishing. "As the Tasmanians illustrated, people in small traditional societies are neither consistently rational maximizers of their well-being nor highly innovative" p. 57. "The wisdom of various leader's decisions over the entire course of human evolution is unknown but if the written record of history is any guide, few of them led to optimally beneficial outcomes. On the contrary, as Barbara Tuchman pointed out in The March of Folly, a great many were horrifically counterproductive. Marvin Harris, long a leading proponent of the view that virtually all traditional beliefs and practices are adaptive, recently reached the surprising conclusion that "... all the major steps in cultural evolution took place in the absence of anyone's conscious understanding of what was happening." And, Harris adds, "the twentieth century seems a veritable cornucopia of unintended, undesirable, and unanticipated changes." Rational, calculated decisions intended to resolve a people's problems seldom occur in small societies. Most of the time, how people hunt, fish, farm, conduct rituals, control their children, and enjoy their leisure are not matters for discussion at all, or at least not discussion about how to make these activities more efficient or pleasurable. People complain incessantly about various things in their lives, sometimes they may try something new, but only rarely do they attempt any fundamental change in their beliefs or social institutions. Large changes, if they occur at all, are typically imposed by some extrnal event or circumstance - invasion, epidemic, drought. In the absence of such events, people tend to muddle through by relying on traditional solutions, that is to say, solutions that arose in response to previous circumstances. Most populations manage to survive without being rational calculators in search of optimal solutions. It appears, for example, that folk populations typically adopt strategies that assure a life-sustaining but well below maximal yield of food and resist changes that entail what they perceive to be risks even though these new food-providing practices would produce more food. The reluctance of people to change - such as that of the Efe to adopt net hunting - has led some anthropologists to refer to their economic strategies in terms of "minimal risk" and "least effort." Traditional solutions and long-standing beliefs and practices tend to persist not because they are optimally beneficial but because they generally work just well enough that changes in them are not self-evidently needed. Given all that we know about the sometimes astoundingly bad judgment of "rational" planners in modern nations, it seems unlikely that people in smaller and simpler societies that lack our scientific and technolgoical sophistication would always make optimally adaptive decisions even should they try to do so. What is more, even if a population somehow managed to devise a near-perfect adaptation to its environment, it is unlikely that it could maintain it for any length of time." 200-201 LeVine, R.A. (1984). Properites of culture: An ethnographic view. (p 67-87) In R.A. Shweder & R.A. LeVine (eds) Culture Theory: Essays on Mind, Self and Society. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. Discussion regarding the robustness and enduring value of ethnographic materials. His data on Gusii witchcraft consistent with data collected ten years earlier in a village ten miles away, by a different investigator. Also consistent across two visits twenty years apart mid 50�s, mid 70�s. Also there is a connectedness and coherence about culture rather than cultures being collections of discrete traits. At one pole of opinion are the reductionists -Marxist, neoclassical economists, cultural materialists, orthodox Freudians, and sociobiologists - whose basic premises include uniformities of structure and content in human life, culture, and motivation at all times and places. They are inclined to minimize cultural variability and to interpret evidence of variations as surface manifestations concealing the deeper uniformities forecast by their theoretical positions. At the other pole are those cultural phenomenologists who insist on the uniqueness of each culture as the symbolism of a people who share a history and endow each aspect of human life that appears universal with a unique pattern of meanings derived from that history. They tend to reject transcultural categories and even comparative methods as based on superficial similarities in behavior that fail to take account of diversity in the meanings that define culture. For the reductionists, there was enough ethnographic evidence long ago to draw positive conclusions about humanity; for the phenomenologists, there may never be enough. In between these hedgehogs and foxes are many anthropologists like myself who are committed to ethnography and comparison as open-ended enterprises in which new facts are constantly acquired and new theoretical formulations tried out against them; variability in this context is an unsettled question for which the answers undergo revision from time to time. One principle of this centrist position is that no a priori theoretical position could have forecast the existing findings of ethnography concerning cultural variation and that no existing theory is likely to forecast its future findings in all their significant content. In other words, the picture of cultural variability emerging from the ethnographic evidence is bigger than any of the theoretical frames currently available. Another principle, however, is that we must not give up the search for a suitable frame. Perhaps, to pursue the analogy, the frame will have to be, not a rectangle or a box, but (like environmental art) a canyon or a landscape - something with more dimensions that we can now imagine. In any event, we have the precedent of Darwin to show us that a natural history of diversity need not preclude the search for broad principles of order. (pp 80-81) Valsiner, Jan. (1989). General Introduction. In Valsiner, J. (ed) Child Development in Cultural Context. (p 1-10) Toronto: Hogrefe and Huber. �The emphasis on culture as an organizer of an individual child�s development has rarely been present in the history of developmental psychology. � p 3. Rogoff, Barbara (1990). Apprenticeship in Thinking: Cognitive Development in Social Context. New York: Oxford University Press. �Biology and culture are not alternative influences but inseparable aspects of a system within which individuals develop.� p 28 Rogoff�s theory �development involves progress towards local goals and valued skills.� p 57 The (Kingston, Jamaica) Gleaner,169 (106) 5/7/03 Rohlen, T.P. & LeTendre, G.K. (Eds.) (1996). Teaching and learning in Japan. New York: Cambridge University Press. �By American standards, there is great compliance and conformity in Japanese early education.� (p. 77) Mays, S. (2000). The archaeology and history of infanticide, and its occurrence in earlier British populations. In J.S. Derevenski (Ed.), Children and material culture (pp. 180-190.) London: Routledge. �Present-day Westerners generally regard infanticide as morally wrong. However, this view is exceptional. The majority of human societies in the recent past have openly accepted infanticide and have not regarded it as morally problematic. (Warren 1985; Williamson 1978). Indeed, until recently it must have been one of the few means of controlling family size that was both effective and did not endanger the mother. (p 183) Hawkes, Kristen, O�Connell, James F., Blurton Jones, Nicholas G., Alvarez, Helen, & Charnov, Eric L. (2000). The Grandmother Hypothesis and Human Evolution. In Adaptation and human behavior: An anthropological perspective, Lee Cronk, Napoleon Chagnon, and William Irons (eds.), p 237-258. Hawthorne, New York: Aldine de Gruyter. �There is no indication that it takes long years of practice to acquire human foraging skills (Blurton Jones et al. 1997).� (p 247) Derevenski, Jo Sofaer (2000). Material culture shock: Confronting expectations in the material culture of children. In J.S. Derevenski (Ed.), Children and material culture (pp. 3-26.) London: Routledge. Evidence of some toys in prehistoric burials in northern Europe such as miniature swords, spears, etc. Derevenski, Jo Sofaer (1994). Where are the children? Accessing children in the past. Archaeological Review from Cambridge, 13, 7-20. �It seems surprising, given the interest archeology has in issues of production and reproduction, that it has failed to examine children as a possible source of information about these concerns.� (p 7) �The day to day construction of children as a social category and the position of children in society have rarely been explored. Age is often treated as a variable rather than as a fundamental principle of social organization. One reason why children have rarely been included in interpretations of the past is their perceived invisibility. They are frequently under-represented in mortuary contexts�� (p 8) Daly, Martin & Wilson, Margo (1988). Homicide. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. �What could be more startling to an imagination informed by evolutionary theory than the killing of one�s own children?� (p 42) Doublecheck�not sure this quote is from D & W (1988) Bird, Douglas W. and Bird, Rebecca Bliege 2002. Children on the Reef: Slow Learning or Strategic Foraging? Human Nature 13(2), p 269-397. �All organisms face problems of energy allocation for lifetime reproductive success: energy invested in somatic growth and maintenance cannot be spent in reproduction.� (p 271) Harris, Judith R. (1998). The nurture assumption: why children turn out the way they do. New York: Free Press. ��child-rearing is not physics.� (p 86) Feirstein, Bruce (1982) Real Men Don't Eat Quiche. New York: Pocket Books Bereckei, Tamas & Csanaky, Andras (2001). Stressful family environment, mortality, and child socialisation: Life-history strategies among adolescents and adults from unfavourable social circumstances. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 25, 501-508. This is a fantastic quote-use as epigram �Given a limited set of resources, the behaviours that make individuals successful in mating are often mutually exclusive of the behaviours that result in successful parenting.� (p 501) Weisfeld, Glenn (1999). Evolutionary principles of human adolescence. New York, NY: Basic Books. �Culture and biology generally cooperate for the good of the organism.� (p 8) Diamond, Jared (1992). The third chimpanzee: The evolution and future of the human animal, New York: HarperCollins. �Ecological differences among existing humans are entirely a product of childhood education.� (p 34) �Thus, while early humans ate some meat, we don�t know how much meat they ate, or whether they got the meat by hunting or scavenging. It�s not until much later, around 100,000 years ago, that we have good evidence about human hunting skills, and it�s clear that humans then were still very ineffective big-game hunters. Hence human hunters of 500,000 years ago and earlier must have been even more ineffective.� (p 39) �Paleopathologists studying ancient skeletons from Greece and Turkey found a striking parallel. The average height of hunter-gatherers in that region toward the end of the Ice Age was a generous five feet ten inches for men, five feet six inches for women. With the adoption of agriculture, height crashed, reaching by 4000 BC a low value of only five feet three for men, five feet one for women.� (p 186) Dickeman, Mildred (1975). Demographic consequences of infanticide in man. Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics, Vol.6, 107-137. �This capacity for selective removal in response to qualities both of offspring and of ecological and social environments may well be a significant part of the biobehavioral definition of Homo sapiens.� (p 108) Zelizer, Viviana A., (1985). Pricing the priceless child: the changing social value of children. New York: Basic Books. �While in the nineteenth century a child�s capacity for labor had determined its exchange value, the market price of a twentieth-century baby was set by smiles, dimples, and curls.� (p 171) Is there such a thing as childhood? Aries (1962) argues that the concept of childhood as a distinct state is largely absent until the last few hundred years. His argument is based primarily on an analysis of figurative art. �Medieval art until about the twelfth century did not know childhood or did not attempt to portray it. It is hard to believe that this neglect was due to incompetence or incapacity; it seems more probable that there was no place for childhood in the medieval world (p33).� And, if one limits one�s database to images of children in portraits, one would have to acknowledge that they often don�t look very child-like. First a 15th c. Austrian princess, then a noted Velasquez from the 17thc. Slides 1 &2 Scholars quickly picked up the gauntlet Aries had thrown down. Sommerville (1982) documents virtually continuous evidence of childhood as a distinct stage from the Egyptians, onward. In fact, when Flinders Petrie excavated the Middle Kingdom (c. 1900 BCE) village of Lahun, he found many children�s toys, including balls & pull toys that wouldn�t look out of place in a modern toystore. Slides 2 &3 Particularly important milestones that Somerville notes are: the Spartans adopting the first deliberate, Skinnerian-style child-rearing system; emperor Constantine outlawed infanticide in 318 CE; the establishment of church-run foundling homes from the 8th century CE; from the 13th century humanists decry the use of corporal punishment and Martin Luther advocated universal schooling. Linda Pollock used some 400 diaries to trace the lives of children in the Middle Ages. She cites diary entries where fathers leave words of advice for their younger children for fear the father would die before the child was old enough to understand and benefit from advice. Other diarists identified children as a future source of social and emotional support, a �comfort in old age.� Slide 5 ��play does not appear very often in the texts�� (1983: 236) probably because Puritans and Quakers, who were great diarists, seem to have disapproved of play. But several diaries show a full range of play and games. One 17th-century diarist, �Blundell�was amused at the mock funeral staged by his daughters, aged 8 and 6. �[They buried one of their dolls] with a great deal of Formality, they had a Garland of Flowers carried before it, and at least twenty of their Playfellows & others that they invited were at the Buriall��� (1983: 237) Barbara Hanawalt, exploring various textual sources, finds ample evidence of children in medieval England, and, in fact, is able to document consistent variation in children�s lives as a function of their social standing: �By 1400 professional toy-makers had shops in Nuremburg and Augsburg and began to export their wares to Italy and France. Manor children also played chess and backgammon and learned falconry and fencing.� (1986: 208) Slide 6 To be sure, as Shulaminth Shahar�s meticulous study shows, illness, high infant mortality and the need to become self-sufficient at an early age, meant that childhood with its carefree and pampered associations, must have been rather short. �� boys and girls, designated for the monastic life, were placed in monasteries and convents at the age of 5, and, in exceptional cases, even younger� (1990: 106) Ironically then, Aries� insupportable claim that childhood is a relatively recent invention, spurred an army of historians to unearth evidence of childhood in the past. And, in the process, they�ve given us a superb corpus of cross-cultural material to work with. See also: Boswell (1988), Dupont (1992) ,Golden(1990),Hawes & Hiner (Eds. 1991),. Janssen & Janssen (1990), & Wiedermann, (1989). �Passages to personhood may be viewed as more gradual. Among the Ayoreo, the critical milestone is relatively late. No child is considered completely human until he can walk. � (p 469) �Brain tissue is very expensive to produce and maintain. As anthropologist Leslie Aiello of University College London has shown, the demands of this single greedy organ account for more than 50 percent of the basal metabolic rate of a baby. Gargantuan as it seems (especially to the laboring mother, whose cervix the compressed cranial case of her baby just manages to squeeze through), the newborn�s brain is only a quarter of what it soon will be. Continuing to grow at a rapid, almost fetal, rate during the first few months of life, the brain attains nearly 70 percent of its final mass within the first year of birth. Hence, according to the �food for thought� hypothesis, big-brained hominids needed extra fat to grow on, like an extra candle on a birthday cake.� (p 479) Aiello, Leslie C. (1992). Human body size and energy. In The Cambridge Encyclopedia of Human Evolution, Steve James, Robert Martin, and David Pilbeam (eds.), 45. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Aiello, Leslie C., and Peter Wheeler (1995). The expensive-tissue hypothesis. Current Anthropology, 36: 199-221. Breaking free from a contemporary, middle-class eurocentric perspective. Alston, L. (1992). Children as chattel. In E. West & P. Petrick (Eds.), Small worlds (pp 208-231). Lawrence, KS: University Press of Kansas. �the economic reality was that many slave holders believed that a slowed maturity during childhood guaranteed maximum productivity later, that work during childhood weakened the foundation for physical health in adulthood, and that slow breaking-in reduced the trauma of going to the fields and facing the whip.� (Alston, 1992, p. 360) One of the arguments of Life History Theory is that childhood exists as a distinct period in order to facilitate growth and development. The fitness loss associated with a delay in mating is offset by the gain in fertility later in life. That is individuals who delay reproduction are often more robust and are able to sustain more healthy offspring. This view is certainly supported by Alston�s study of slave children. Childhood is uniquely human. Barry Bogin persuasively argues that childhood is a stage in mammalian development unique to humans. �It is argued here than childhood is a unique stage of the human life cycle, a stage not to be found in the life cycle of any other living mammal.� (1998:12) As compared to the other apes, humans have much higher fertility which Bogin attributes to the cr�che-like character of childhood. Its purpose is to provide a kind of holding pattern in which the child can be weaned, freeing the mother to bear another child, but is still somewhat dependent on others. Human children require relatively little care and feeding�as contrasted with the young of, say, chimps. Slide 7 In fact, humans are so successful at making babies that, before the advent of cheap, reliable birth control, infanticide was almost universal. Dickeman argues that humans routinely produce a �surplus,� which can be culled according to circumstances. �This capacity for selective removal in response to qualities both of offspring and of ecological and social environments may well be a significant part of the biobehavioral definition of Homo sapiens.� (1975: 108) Relative to chimps, humans are weaned early, when they�ve reached about 2.1 times their birth weight, at 24 months or earlier. Chimps wean at 5-6 years and are independent and sexually mature soon after. Bogin defines childhood ��as the period following weaning, when the youngster still depends on older people for feeding and protection. Children require specially prepared foods due to the immaturity of their dentition and digestive tracts, and the rapid growth of their brain.� (1998: 21) A second benefit of the extended growth period implied by childhood that Bogin notes: �Childhood may provide the time and the continuation of parental investment necessary to grow the larger human brain. Following this line of reasoning, any fossil human, or any of our fossil hominid ancestors, with an adult brain size above�850 cc may have included a childhood stage of growth as part of its life history.� (1998: 27) This would certainly include Homo erectus and perhaps, Homo habilis. In other words, childhood is probably not a recent addition to the human program. Nevertheless, as we will be continuously reminded, the contours of childhood are quite varied. Another set of benefits to small size� ��why, among the mammals, do only the primates remain rather small during the juvenile period? Juvenile primates are especially vulnerable to starvation because they burn up calories rapidly due to their high activity rates as playful, arboreal animals. Juvenile primates also must compete with larger, more experienced adults for food, since they must stay close to the adults for fear of predators.� (Bogin, 1994: 130) The function of childhood. At the outset, I argued that childhood conferred fertility advantages to the parents, but several arguments can be made regarding the benefit to an individual�s survival and successful adaptation to society and the environment. The common argument, made by Diamond (1992, see above, Lancy 1983, p200-1 and Kaplan et al 2000), is that children require a prolonged period in order to acquire all the knowledge and skills they�ll need as successful adult foragers. There are several problems with the argument. First, as I demonstrated in Papua New Guinea, few societies actually demand a great deal of information processing, you simply don�t have to know all that much to be a successful horticulturalist, for example. And this lack of pressure to become efficient at information processing is borne out in the results of extensive testing of cognitive development among many pre-modern societies in Liberia (Cole et al 1971) and Papua New Guinea (Lancy, 1983, 1989). Or compare the Maya: �Maize agriculture provides many farming and domestic tasks that are generally not demanding in terms of either skill or strength and can be performed proficiently by children without a long period of training and education. The majority of calories in the Maya diet come from maize, and maize production and processing involves various unskilled, repetitive tasks that require minimal strength.� (Kramer 2002: 305) Second, while the complete repertoire of skills and knowledge in the society may be extensive, the �basic� curriculum is typically quite limited. Among the Kpelle, the mandatory skill inventory that every �student� must master is quite limited and, frankly not very taxing (and it varies by gender, of course). Diamond (1992) alludes to the vast knowledge of natural history of his informants but my sense is, having worked in many of the same areas, that his informants were highly untypical and would have been acknowledged as sages by their own community. Third, not only may the skill inventory be reasonably easy to acquire but children may have, for certain skills, decades to get the job done. There have been a few studies done recently that examine in quite close detail what it is that children need to learn in traditional societies and how long it takes them to learn it. Douglas & Rebecca Bird have studied children learning to forage on the reef off Mer island in the Torres Straits. �Children begin spearfishing with toddler-sized spears as soon as they begin walking, using them at first to spear sardines along the foreshore for bait. Later, they carry their spears when they begin shellfish collecting on the reef between ages 6 and 7. Those children that choose to invest in spearfishing practice reach the same efficiency as the most practiced adult by ages 10-14.� (Bird, R. & Bird, D. 2002: 262) ��Meriam children learn quickly how to forage efficiently given their size constraints, and that increases in efficiency across the lifespan could be due to accumulated experience, but because we do not see gradual cumulative increases, it may be more likely that these increases in efficiency are due to increases in the benefits of working harder.� (Ibid 263) The Hadza, mentioned earlier, have had an even closer scrutiny of children�s development as efficient foragers and the conclusion �There is no indication that it takes long years of practice to acquire human foraging skills (Blurton Jones et al. 1997).� (p 247) Blurton-Jones& Marlowe (2002) carried out systematic surveys of skill levels by age and gender, here are selected findings: �We paid Hadza foragers to participate in tests of important subsistence skills. We compared efficiency of males and females at digging tubers. They differ greatly in time spent practicing digging but show no difference in efficiency. Children who lost �bush experience� by spending years in boarding school performed no worse at digging tubers or target archery than those who had spent their entire lives in the bush. Climbing baobab trees, an important and dangerous skill, showed no change with age among those who attempted it. We could show no effects of practice time. These findings do not support what we label �the practice theory,� �Our data also show that it is not safe to assume that increases in skill with age are entirely due to learning or practice; they may instead by due to increases in size and strength.� (p 199) Generally, they find that skills like baobab climbing and tuber digging are acquired pretty quickly-do not take years of practice. �Boys as young as 2-3 are given tiny bows and from that age on carry them and use them daily. Targets include small birds, and any practice object like a piece of soft wood selected by a group of boys. Older boys make their own bows. The size and pull weight of the bows grows with them. They do not carry or use poison arrows until around 14 years old, when they are considered responsible enough�At this age boys spend much of their time out in the bush and can occasionally succeed in hitting a significant-sized animal. Boys also used string snares, which men seldom do.� (p 217) By contrast, archery skill continues to grow into middle age- probably due more to increased strength than to practice. Also boys who�d been away for 3 years to boarding school were as good as boys who�d been shooting daily. A final reason to question the argument that childhood exists to provide a long period in which children can learn their culture is that, as we�ve seen, childhood length varies so much cross-culturally. Aries (1962) was correct in noting that childhood is as much a cultural as a biological phenomenon. A competing theory, most fully articulated by Eric Charnov (2001) posits that, during childhood, the individual (and her kin) is investing in growth because the larger the animal, the more fat accumulated, the better able the individual is to withstand the rigors of child bearing. Humans postpone child-bearing to exploit their potential for growth and because our relatively sophisticated diet enables a longer lifespan, in contrast to our primate cousins who dare not delay reproduction. However, this theory also suggests to me that in modern society, the ready availability of calories makes a long period for development superfluous. Children are now capable of reproducing many years before they are intellectually, emotionally and financially capable of functioning effectively as parents(e.g. Kotlowitz,1991)! These ideas are in a state of flux at the moment. I, for one, am not ready to abandon the idea of childhood=culture acquisition and I�m grateful to John Bock (2001) for his efforts to reconcile these twin theories. Chapter Two: To Make a Child Life in a Neontocracy Stearns, Peter N. (2010) Defining happy childhoods: Assessing a recent change. The progressive era appropriation of children�s play. Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, 3: 165-186. �In the United States childhood, happiness, in principle at least, exploded in the 1920s, with some preliminary approaches in the previous decade. It was (Guttmann 2010: 166) no accident that the tune �Happy Birthday,� though composed earlier, began to gain popularity with its new lyrics from the mid-1920s onward. Childrearing advice, except at the most expert levels, became suffused with injunctions toward happiness. From 1927: �Make a child happy now and you will make him happy twenty years from now in the memory of it (Pierson 1927).� (Guttmann 2010: 167) Pierson, Clara Dillingham (1927) Living with Our Children: A Book of Little Essays for Mothers. New York, NY: E. P. Dutton. �It was incumbent on good parents to cultivate happiness by meeting on the ground of the child�s interest, not the concerns of adults.� (Guttmann 2010: 167) �It was a Roman writer, Epictetus, who noted that �when you kiss your child, say to yourself, it may be dead in the morning.� (Guttmann 2010: 168) �From the mid-1910s onward, however, in the majority of parenting manuals, happiness becomes a central purpose, a leading quality of childhood, and an essential obligation for parents.� (Guttmann 2010: 172) �Again it is important to emphasize the inconsistencies in the new happiness movement. On the one hand, the quality was inherent in childhood and the adult task was �never marring the continuity of your child�s happiness.� (Guttmann 2010: 172) Seymour, Susan C. (2001). Child care in India: An examination of the "Household Size/Infant Indulgence" hypothesis. Cross-Cultural Research (35): 3-22. Research carried out in Bhubaneswar, capital of Orissa state, west India. �Patterns of child care in New Capital middle- and upper-status households were different from those of Old Town in certain significant ways but were also not characterized by high infant indulgence according to the measures used in this study. Mothers and their surrogates tended to be less concerned with holding and (p. 15). ritually bathing infants and more focused on chatting and playing with them and teaching them to care for themselves. As infants matured, chatting became active teaching�verbally instructing young children�something I rarely witnessed in Old Town with the exception of teaching children kin terms. Also, mothers provided a somewhat higher proportion (58%) of child care in New Capital households but were by no means exclusive caretakers. Although there were fewer extended kin available to help out, New Capital fathers were more actively engaged in child care than Old Town fathers, and many families had some relative and/or servant residing with them who helped with children. �(p. 16). �There is much evidence, therefore, that the child care strategies of New Capital middle- and upper-status households were adapting to a society increasingly characterized by an emphasis on formal education and competition for new kinds of jobs.� (p. 16). One Big Unhappy Family Queller, David C. (1997). Why do females care more than males? Biological Sciences, (264): 1555-1557. ��lower probability of parentage for males does tend to make males less likely than females to provide care.� (p. 1555) Redondo, Tomas, Gomendio, Montserrat, Medina, Rosario (1992). Sex-biased parent-offspring conflict. Behaviour, (123): 261-289. �In this paper we suggest that when parents invest differentially according to offspring sex, greater levels of parent-offspring conflict should be expected between parents and offspring of the favoured sex. Thus, in dimorphic polygynous species in which parents invest more in males, greater conflict should be expected between parents and sons than between parents and daughters. A review of the current literature reveals that the available data lend support to this prediction.� (p. 280) Leis, Nancy B. (1982) The not-so-supernatural power of Ijaw children. Ottenberg, Simon (Ed.), African Religious Groups and Beliefs. (Pp. 150-169). Meerut, India: Archana. �A special ability children have to remember, for the first five or so years of their lives, their existence before birth when they were in contact with Wonyinghi, the female creator. These children, unlike adults, are able to see entities that populate the world of the unloving and can return to it and be reborn several times.� (Leis 1982: 152) �The child is able to will its own death, sometimes to punish its parents, and can kill its unborn siblings.� (Leis 1982: 152) �Each individual, the Ijaw believe, makes such an agreement and decides himself before birth how long to live, how many if any children to have, whether to be wealthy of not, and the major directions his life will take. He then comes to this world in spiritual form (tEmE) and awaits the time to be conceived. By the time children are five or six, or at least the age when they are expected to assume responsibility for their own actions, they have forgotten their former existence and lose the ability to �see.� (Leis 1982: 154) �A child�s ability to see the yet-to-be-born spirits was the children�s description of their �friends.� A child might be playing alone and distributing play food, saying, �This is for you, and this is for you, and this is for me.� When asked with whom he is talking, the usual answer is, �To my friends, the other children.� The parent of (Leis 1982: 154) course does not see any other children, but he assumes that the child actually does. Not one of my informants suggested that these �friends� were imaginary, that this was simply play. All of them took the response of the children seriously. Another instance of this same ability is the unexplainable crying of a baby at night. If the mother could detect nothing apparently wrong with the baby, she would assume it saw the spirits of other children in the room and was crying because it did not want other siblings to be born. �(Leis 1982: 155) �The small child who cries out with fright because he thinks he has seen something while in the forest with his mother is also taken seriously. He must have seen the bouyo (�forest people�), potentially dangerous creatures whom adults cannot always see. Women say they usually run out of the forest without investigating when this happens. Again, no one would claim that this action is the over-imaginative fear of a highly suggestible child.� (Leis 1982: 155) �If parents have experienced several infant deaths, one after another, they usually suspect that the same child is coming to them (Leis 1982: 156) each time.� (Leis 1982: 157) �If, for example, a woman with a living child has experienced one or more unsuccessful pregnancies, or if she has not apparently conceived for a long period after having a child, a diviner might tell her that the living child wishes to be the last child, that it wants no younger rivals, and that it is killing her unborn babies.� (Leis 1982: 163) Hrdy, Sarah B. 2006. Evolutionary context of human development: The cooperative breeding model. In #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=930"##C. Sue Carter#, #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=31031"##Lieselotte Ahnert#, #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=31032"##K. E. Grossmann#, #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=31033"##Sarah B. Hrdy#, #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=31034"##Michael E. Lamb#, #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=31035"##Stephen W. Porges# and #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/author/default.asp?aid=31036"##Norbert Sachser# (Eds.) #HYPERLINK "http://mitpress.mit.edu/catalog/item/default.asp?ttype=2&tid=10889"##Attachment and Bonding#: A New Synthesis. (Pp 9-32) Cambridge, MA: MIT Press. Examples of male involvement in child-rearing among Primates, generally and humans, in particular. Men around pregnant and lactating women show slightly elevated levels of prolactin and a drop in testosterone. �No one is suggesting that fathers are equivalent to mothers, male caretakers the same as female ones�. The point is: even in animals with joint caretaking, both sexes can be primed to care. Virgin females or males can be primed to nurture merely by prolonged exposure to pregnant or lactating females. � (p. 15) �Infants born into cooperative breeding systems, depend on a range of caretakers, and maternal commitment itself is dependent on the mother�s perception of how much support she is likely to have from allomothers. To prosper in such a system, infants have to be adept at monitoring caretakers, reading their moods and intentions and eliciting their solicitude��theory of mind� reduces the uncertainties youngsters face, helping them predict how others�are likely to respond. Through practice and conditional rewards, infants get incrementally better at reading intentions and learning to engage caretakers. This explains why infants with older siblings are better able to interpret the feelings and intentions of others. �(p. 25) Similarly argues (p. 26) that babbling evolved as a tool for infants to attract attention of caretakers. Spelke, Elizabeth S. and Kinzler, Katherine D. (2007) Core knowledge. Developmental Science 10 (1): 89�96 ��core knowledge system, with roots in our evolutionary past, that emerge[s] in infancy�[a] system, for identifying and reasoning about potential social partners and social group members (p. 91) [evidence for such a system, includes]�Three-month-old infants show a visual preference for members of their own race compared to members of a different race� Infants also look preferentially at faces of the same gender as their primary caregiver� From birth�infants show a preference for the sound of their native language over a foreign language�(p. 92, emphasis added) Baby-parading Konner, Melvin (1975) Relations among infants and juveniles in comparative perspective. In Michael Lewis and Leonard A. Rosenblum (Eds.), Friendship and Peer Relations (pp. 99-129). New York: John Wiley and Sons. �I may improve my status in the group (and my reproductive success) by caretaking, through agonistic buffering. This mechanism, repeatedly observed in monkeys, results in an increase in the status of individuals carrying infants, whether their own or adopted (Itani, 1959).� (Konner 1975: 101) Itani, Junichiro (1959). Paternal care in the wild Japanese monkey, Macaca fuscata fuscata. Primates, 2(1): 61-93. Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �A man may take his five-year-old boy visiting with him when he goes to call on friends.� (Geertz 1961: 106) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �A baby of either sex likely is surrounded by women of all ages during the day, by women�s and children�s noises, their smells, their movements, their rhythms. Men rarely handle infants; they rarely provide services like feeding, washing, rocking; they rarely take infants outside. Male and female infants learn women�s patterns of living but neither learns much about the men�s. Male older infants, however, are talked to more often by men and boys than are female infants, and in more matter-of-fact ways, and will be taken into male company more frequently by their fathers.� (Friedl 1997: 115) Love the One You�re With Clark, Gracia (1994) Onions are My Husband: Survival and Accumulation by West African Market Women. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. ��You can get a new husband (or wife), but not a new brother (or sister).� The frequency of widowhood, divorce, illness, or simple irresponsibility meant that relying heavily on marriage for future security was considered foolish, given the high chance or disruption. Giving precedence to husbands over kin was actually considered morally wrong or selfish.� (Clark 1994: 103) Polygyny as the Great Compromise Pregnancy and Child-Birth Wicks, Ann Barrott (2002). The Art of Deliverance and Protection: Folk Deities in Paintings and Woodblock Prints. Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 133-158). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii. �As early as 500 B.C., heaven was ritually consulted through oracle bones to try to ascertain gender and the likelihood of a safe birthing. Oracle bone graphs existed for pregnancy, parturition, and safe delivery. The most frequently asked questions were about the gender of the expected child, the date of birth, and whether or not the child would be safely delivered. The questions �Boy or girl?� was answered with �Good� or �Not good.� �Good� indicated that the child would be male.� (Wicks 2002: 134) Wicks, Ann Barrott and Avril, Ellen B. (2002) Introduction: Children in Chinese Art. Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 1-30). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii. �The abundance in the Song period of ceramic pillows with designs of baby boys and other motifs symbolizing the birth of sons seems related to these ideas of controlling pregnancy, as if sleeping with such a pillow could perform some kind of sympathetic magic. The pillows served dual functions: first, to aid the onset of pregnancy, and second, to direct the dreams of pregnant women to positively influence fetal development.� (Wicks 2002: 12) Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Women may be foraging right up to and even on the day they give birth.� (Marlowe 2010: 64) �Women are in remarkably good shape soon after delivery; in most cases, a woman rests only 3 of 4 days before returning to foraging with the newborn on her back.� (Marlowe 2010: 65) Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �The territory occupied by the Araucanians (in what is now Chile) when the Spanish first entered it probably extended from the Andean uplands to the Pacific and from the southern tip of the Island of Chilo� to the river Choapa.� (Hilger 1957: 4) �The Mapuche women say that they feel better if they take this cold bath�the midwife, or one of the other women who was present at the delivery, dips the infant into the water where the mother is taking her bath. �This bath hardens the child to the hardships of life,� said a mother. �It trains the child early to physical endurance.�� (Hilger 1957: 20) Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �Birth in the middle ages was a hazardous process. It was recognized as such, and there was a craving for reassurance about the outcome. Churches owned relics which, they promised, would ensure a safe delivery. Many of these were girdles or belts, perhaps because they symbolized undoing.� (Orme 1003: 16) �Women unable to reach a relic or to have one brought to them turned to other forms of supernatural aid. One of these, by the later middle ages, was a scroll of parchment or paper, containing a cross one fifteenth the height of Jesus or a reproduction of the wound in his side. Scrolls, like girdles, could be laid across the belly during childbirth, and contained written promises that whoever viewed or wore them would have an easy delivery.� (Orme 2004: 16) �The sequel to the baptism was the mother�s visit to church to be purified, or �churched� as it was known by the fifteenth century. Old Testament law laid down that a woman who gave birth was unclean and should not touch a holy object or enter a holy place for forty days after the birth of a son, or eighty following that of a daughter.� (Orme 2003: 31) Tayanin, Damrong and Lindell, Kristina (1991) Hunting and Fishing in a Kammu Village. Studies in Asian topics no. 14. Copenhagen, Denmark: Curzon Press. �A birth is considered a slippery affair, and pregnant women should be avoided when one is building a trap. If the hunter has met a pregnant woman before going into the forest, it is most likely that the trap will yield no take.� (Tayanin and Lindell 1991: 22) Notermans, Catrien (2004) Sharing Home, Food, and Bed: Paths of Grandmotherhood in East Cameroon. Africa 74(1): 6-27. Kako tribe, agriculturalists. �Women draw an analogy between the cooking of food and the cooking of children in the womb.� (Notermans 2004: 19) Conklin, Beth A. and Morgan, Lynn M. (1996) Babies, Bodies, and the Production of Personhood in North America and a Native Amazonian Society. Ethos 24(4): 657-694. �Mother and infant are treated as a unit; for about six weeks after birth they remain secluded together inside their house. A major objective of this seclusion is to build the baby's blood as it nurses at its mother's breast. In this liminal period, the sense that newborns are still in the process of coming into social being is conveyed by naming practices. Wari' babies traditionally do not receive a personal name until they are about six weeks old. Until then, in the Rio Lage-Rio Ribeirao area, babies of both sexes are called arawet, which translates literally as "still being made." In the Rio (Conklin 1996: 672) Dois Irmaos area, newborns are waji, connoting immaturity. (Green, unripe fruit is oro-waji). An infant receives a personal name�and the mother's name changes to that of her baby�at about the time when they begin to emerge from seclusion and interact with the wider community.� (Conklin 1996: 673) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �A woman delivered while squatting over a bed of fine sand in which a black and white bead on a blue-and-white string may be been buried to ward of djenn and the evil eye, and to make the child beautiful.� (Friedl 1997: 57) Couvade and infanticide to equalize the sexes (like Inuit)� Rival, Laura (1998) Androgynous parents and guest children: The Huaorani couvade. The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 4(4): 619-642. �Huaorani Indians of Amazonian Ecuador conceptualize human sexuality as the channel through which parenthood is created and intimate relationships are formed. Childbirth rites (known in the literature as couvade) form an essential part of this process (Rival 1998: 619)�Although there is no native term for �couvade�, the institution exists amongst the Huaorani in ways very similar to those described in Amazonian ethnology. As elsewhere in Amazonia, Huaorani birth observances fundamentally consist in perinatal dietary and activity restriction for both parents (p. 622)�Food taboos are aimed at �hardening� the body, that is, at reinforcing its intrinsic energy. The goal is to make the baby vigorous and strong, so it can grow fast and develop into an independent member of the longhouse. Men I interviewed insisted that both parents were protecting the infant�s vigour and assisting in its fast growth through fasting.� (Rival 1998: 623) �Huaorani men do not �imitate� childbirth, but take an active part in it, often acting as midwives (Rival 1998: 623)�Any man who has contributed semen may observe the taboos associated with the couvade, by which he publicly acknowledges his creative contribution to the making of the child (Rival 1998: 624)�a popular myth about a time when babies were raised by their fathers. Because women did not know the muscular movements to expel babies and feed them, men were obliged to cut their wives open, extract the babies and feed them until they were old enough to fend for themselves.� (Rival 1998: 625) �Most Amazonian anthropologists have insisted, like M�traux, that couvade restrictions are observed by both parents, and like him, have been primarily concerned with the active participation of the father in the birth process.� (Rival 1998: 630) �Amazonian Indians also usually: (1) conceive of the child as the product of paternal and maternal influences (in other words, the child results from the complementarity of shape and substance, or of two substances such as blood and semen); (2) believe that repeated sexual intercourse before and throughout pregnancy is necessary for the foetus to develop and grow; (3) grant a special role to the mother�s mother during delivery, sometimes in partnership with her son-in-law; (4) equate the end of the couvade with the naming (with or without ceremony) of the child; (5) prefer to space and limit the number of their children; (6) and, finally, try to achieve (and use infanticide, if necessary) an equal number of male and female children.� (Rival 1998: 630) Heilbrunn Timeline of Art History Metropolitan Museum of Art #HYPERLINK "/toah/hd/azss/ho_00.5.30.htm"#/toah/hd/azss/ho_00.5.30.htm# Deity Figure (Cihuateotl), 15th�early 16th century Mexico; Aztec Stone; H. 26 in. (66 cm) Museum Purchase, 1900 The Aztecs believed that the souls of women who had died in childbirth were transformed into terrifying demons called Cihuateteo, or Celestial Princesses. They resided in the west known as Cihuatlampa, or region of the women, and accompanied the sun daily from its zenith at midday to dusk on the western horizon. The Cihuateteo were the female counterparts of warriors who had perished on the battlefield and who were thought to escort the sun through the underworld to its rise each morning. On five specific days of the Aztec ritual calendar these malevolent female spirits were believed to descend to the earth and haunt crossroads hoping to snatch the young children they were never privileged to have. The sign for one of these days, "1 Calli" (1 House), is carved on the top of the figure's head. The sculpture is one of several equally fine, identical images of the goddess that have differing date glyphs on the top of their heads. The sculptures were probably once placed in a shrine dedicated to Cihuateotl in the main temple precinct in Tenochititlan. The fearsome goddess sits on her clawed feet, her back slightly arched and her massive clawed hands raised, ready to pounce on her prey. She is bare breasted and wears an unadorned skirt held with a belt tied in a simple knot. Her face is a skull with big staring eyes and an open fleshless mouth with prominent, bared teeth. Her hair, carved in swirls and twists, typical of the mortuary aspect of earth deities, streams down the back of her head. Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �Indian Hindu children are also considered gifts from God�The fusion between mother and infant is central and starts, according to the Vedas, during the prenatal period where the fetus is considered to be chetan�conscious of having a soul�The mutual relationship is strengthened by matri-rina, or indebtedness toward the mother. This implies a lifelong relationship with the mother that includes the duties to protect and nurture the mother.� (Keller 2007: 110) Hardenberg, Roland (2006) Hut of the young girls: Transition from childhood to adolescence in a middle Indian tribal society. In Deepak K. Behera (Ed.). Childhoods in South Asia. (pp. 65-81). Singapore: Pearson Education. �According to the Dongria, a baby receives its soul from a deceased person and the shaman can identify the name of the soul-giver by asking the gods in a ritual called male wenbina. The sex of the baby and of the ancestor must not be identical. Usually the baby receives the soul of a person who belonged to the village community or was cremated on the cremation ground (mahanenga) of the village, but the baby and ancestor must no be direct lineal relatives. This ancestor protects the infant, but when enraged may also invoke fever and other illness in the child. To please the baby�s tutelary ancestor, parents often give the baby a share of alcohol and they may even address the baby by the ancestor�s name.� (Hardenberg 2006: 66) Gene Roulette Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �The typical English nuclear family was more or less consistent in size across the medieval centuries with two or three live children, though this number tended to increase among the wealthy. Most children did not have a large number of siblings, excluding those who died in infancy�Most children were brought up at home by their parents or their parents� servants. There was no general practice of fostering them elsewhere, at least in their early years.� (Orme 2003: 55)�A widowed father or mother might introduce a step mother or stepfather, and sometimes stepchildren or (eventually) half-brothers and sisters�Step-mothers were believed to lack the affections of natural parents and to wish harm or their partners� children. A meager portion of bread was called a �stepmother�s slice.� Stories down the ages told of their harsh or wicked ways.� (Orme 2003: 56) �Others who lacked two full-time parents were the illegitimate, often brought up by a single mother�The common law was more discriminatory. It denied illegitimate children any right to succeed to their parents� property and status.� Orme 2003: 56) Parent-offspring conflict�infancy evolved to provide various strategies that allows infants to �trick� parents into providing additional resources. Parents must evaluate infant�s behavior to see through the tactics. Theory of Mind (TOM) includes a bundle of cognitive attributes that could be employed to seduce or mislead parents� Povinelli, Daniel J., Prince, Christopher, G. and Preuss, Todd M. (2005) Parent-offspring conflict and the development of social understanding. In The Innate Mind, Edited by Peter Carruthers, Stephen Laurence, and Stephen Stitch, (pp. 239-253). New York: Oxford University Press. #Argues that many common infant behaviors may have evolved as tactics to secure additional resources from adults. I would argue that adults defend against such tactics via swaddling, cradle boards, indifference, etc. Possible explanation for dramatic increase in Caesarean section to hasten delivery or arrange delivery to suit convenience of mother, not child� �Trivers showed that the optimal amount of investment in a current infant can be understood as a mathematical function that maximized the chance that the infant will survive to the point at which it can reproduce but minimized costs to potential future infants (or closely related kin) in contrast to parental efforts in minimizing investment, the infant should favor increases in parental investment.� (Povinelli 2005: 240) �Efforts of fetal manipulations include actions that reduce the probability of marriage, actions that increase nutrient supply in maternal blood, and actions that increase the duration of pregnancy.� (Povinelli 2005: 240) �At least two different means of parental exploitation are available. Trivers emphasized that infants would exploit parental resources by behaving in a manner less mature, and thus in need of more resources, than their chronological age would suggest.� (Povinelli 2005: 241) �Although some degree of crying is likely to extract a higher degree of parental investment, extreme crying might also place infants at risk. For example, crying is the most widely cited cause of �shaken baby syndrome.��By producing behaviors that lead to positive regard and affect, and increasing the attachment between caregiver and infant, the infant�s behaviors can reduce the very real possibilities of suffering neglect, abuse, or abandonment.� (Povinelli 2005: 242) �The evolutionary emergence of theory of mind might have provided infants with a new avenue for recruiting additional parental investment. Once parents began to respond to the psychological states of their infants, in addition to their overt behavioral states, infants could begin to evolve behaviors that would, in effect, manipulate this ability for their own benefit.� (Povinelli 2005: 242)�Infants began to utilize smiling as facial gesture to ingratiate themselves in their parent�s eyes.� (Povinelli 2005: 247) Parent-offspring conflict�infancy evolved to provide various strategies that allows infants to �trick� parents in effect, into providing additional resources. Parents must evaluate infant�s behavior to see through the tactics. Theory of Mind (TOM) includes a bundle of cognitive attributes that could be employed to seduce or mislead parents� On the other hand�consider autistics as, in effect, changelings�. Shaner, Andrew, Miller, Geoffery, and Mintz, Jim (2008) Autism as the low-fitness extreme of a parentally selected fitness indicator. Human Nature, 19(4): 389-413. �Suppose that the ability of human offspring to charm their parents�perhaps through language, facial expression, creative play, and coordinated social interaction�evolved as a parentally selected fitness indicator. More articulate expressive, playful, and socially engaged offspring would give a reliable warranty of their genetic and phenotypic quality and thus would solicit higher parental investment. Offspring would vary greatly in their ability to charm parents, and that variation would correlate with underlying fitness. Autism could represent the least charming, low-fitness extreme of this variation�accounting not only for the typical symptoms of autism, but also for the frustration and alienation experienced by parents of autistic children.� (Shaner 2008: X) �Offspring vary in genetic quality and therefore in their potential for survival and reproduction. This could lead mothers to assess offspring fitness and allocate resources accordingly. If ancestral human parents delivered more resources to babies showing indications of superior fitness, this could have lead babies to evolve traits that signal fitness. They could thereby influence how long a mother continues to breastfeed intensively enough to prevent ovulation (through lactational amenorrhea), thus delaying the appearance of a sibling rival.� (Shaner 2008: 392-93). Einarsd�ttir, J�n�na (2008) The classification of newborn children: consequences for survival. In Luke Clements and Janet Read (Eds.), Disabled People and the Right to Life. Pp 406-432. London: Routledge. In Guinea-Bissau ��people begin to wonder if a particular infant may have been born without a human soul. A pregnant woman may become penetrated by a spirit when washing clothes or fetching water from a spring-water well. The spirit can enter the foetus in her womb and replace the human soul. Such an infant is either somehow abnormal or does not develop normally during the first months of life�They are typically described as boneless, pale and listless, with weird eyes and frothing mouths� There are two procedures to identify the true nature of infants suspected of being non-human, and both correspond to what in anthropological literature is referred to as infanticide. First, they can be �taken to the sea� by elderly maternal relatives and the infant and a calabash� items such as an egg and distilled alcohol, are put on the beach. If the child is non-human, it will drink the egg and disappear with the other items into the sea and thereby the spirit will return to where it came from, its true home. Since colonial times, the law prohibits �taking children to the sea�. The second alternative is to take the infant to a ritual specialist who�asks for help from a spirit to identify the true nature of the infant. The specialist will define a test period, normally seven days, during which food will be arranged for the child, as the mother has to stop breastfeeding. Survival after the trial period is an indication of the human nature of the infant, which will be returned to its mother. (Einarsd�ttir 2008: 251) Survey of abortion in the ethnographic record� Devereux, George (1955) A Story of Abortion in Primitive Societies. New York, NY: Julian Press. �Women are compelled to abort: Children fathered by demons (Truk, Jivaro) The offspring of incest (Gunantuna, Pukapuka) The children of old, ailing, or weak fathers (Masai) The children of alien fathers (Cuna) Adulterine bastards (Masai) Legitimate children, tainted by the adultery of the pregnant mother (Ashanti) In each of these instances there is a supposition that the birth of such children would lead to a calamity for the group, or at least for the biological family as a whole.� (Devereux 1995: 134). Dozens of reported techniques Hard work, heavy loads, climbing Jolts Jumping, diving, shaking Heat (applied externally) Hot water, coals, stones, the sun Skin irritants Topical preparations Weakening Bleeding via cuts and incisions Mechanical abortion Weight, constriction, uterine massage, hitting fetus head with stone through abdominal wall, and more� Genital manipulation Cervical and vaginal Coitus Inserting foreign bodies Local medication/drugs Magic (Devereux 1955: 30-42). Guemple, Lee (1979) Inuit socialization: A study of children as social actors in an Eskimo community. In Karigoudar Ishwaran (Ed.), Childhood and Adolescence in Canada. Pp. 39-71. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. �Inuit have no special term to denote a fetus in utero and by custom do not speak about it until after its birth. The fetus is never regarded as �alive� until after it is born, so Inuit never think of it as a person.� (Guempe 1979: 40) �Even birth does not insure that the newborn is accorded the status of a social person. Balikci (Balikci, Asen (1970) The Netsilik Eskimo. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. p.148) estimates that in some parts of the Arctic as many as 50% of all those born alive were disposed of traditionally by infanticide. An infant which was to be disposed of was not accorded the status of being a social person, though instead of being exposed or smothered it might be given in adoption to another couple who might then accord it such status. A decision had to be made with four days after parturition, for by time an infant had to be named. And, once named, the disposal of a child would be an act of murder because a named infant was regarded as a social person and exercised a powerful claim upon the living.� (Guempe 1979: 40) Denham, Aaron R. (2007) The Spirit Child Phenomenon and the Nankani Sociocultural World Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta, unpublished Ph.D. dissertation �The subject of this dissertation is the spirit child phenomenon among the Nankani people living in the Upper East Region of Ghana. Although the primary causes of infant and child mortality throughout northern Ghana are parasite diseases and environmental factors, local discourse suggests that a number of infant and child deaths are facilitated through intentional poisoning by family members. In these cases, deformed or ailing children, births concurrent with tragic events, or children displaying unusual abilities are regarded as spirit children sent �from the bush� to cause misfortune and destroy the family. From the Nankani perspective, spirit children are not human, but bush spirits masquerading as such.� (Demham 2007: 1) Denham, Aaron( 2007) Infanticide reconsidered: Family vulnerabilities and the multivocal discourse surrounding intentional infant and child death in Northern Ghana. Paper presented at the annual meeting, American Anthropological Association, November, Washington, D.C. The wide variety of discourse featured the spirit child as a dwarfen capricious bush-spirit; purveyor of knowledge; a lustful and desirous ruffian; an agent of the moral imagination; a trickster; and, a malevolent being bent on destroying the family. Nmah, meaning mother, is a generic name given to newborns before an ancestor chooses their name, usually occurring before the child�s first birthday. Although Nmah hardly appeared to have reached her first birthday, she was actually close to three years old. She looked fragile and malnourished; indeed, at age two, the last time she was weighed, according to her medical card, she was 16 lbs. She could not stand, crawl, or talk, and, had experienced several episodes of malaria, and, the primary cause of her current state, a serious case of meningitis when six months. Indeed, when I asked people what a spirit child was, the common response was, �a child that does not possess the right qualities of a normal human being.� Families also scrutinize a child�s behavior, and are wary of children talking or walking before developmentally appropriate, to the extent that many families will place oil on the soles of an infant�s feet, so if it rises to visit the bush at night, they will see the dirt come morning. The spirit child, as a diagnosis, is not just for sick or disabled children, �some are very beautiful,� one man remarked, �but those are the most dangerous.� Other spirit children �perform acts that are above expectations.� I recorded a case where a remarkably intelligent five year old was described as having too much wisdom. Thus, we see the local definitions of abnormality and the spirit child located at both tails of a standard distribution. A habitually crying child is a commonly recognized criterion for a spirit child. According to beliefs, it cries because it wants to disturb the family, particularly at night after it has returned from roaming the bush. Nmah's mother fled the village, alone, to the urban center of Kumasi, leaving the child behind. I was told that she feared that the child was going to kill her. Nmah's crying and dependency prevented her parents from having intercourse, and "If a child cannot go off with the other children soon after it is weaned, to allow the mother to work and have another child, problems arise." Link to Daly & Wilson� Stobbe, Mike (2008) Experts 'distressed' over baby neglect, abuse. Salt Lake Tribune, April 6th, p A6. �Center for Disease Control estimate that 1 in 50 infants in US suffer from abuse, neglect. 91,000 victims identified in a single year. Majority of cases simple neglect, also common to find infants born with drug dependency from mother's use of controlled substances.� (Stobbe 2008: A6) Rende Taylor, Lisa (2005) Patterns of child fosterage in rural northern Thailand. Journal of Biosocial Science 37: 333�350. Northern Thais, or Khon M�ang, are a lowland wet-rice cultivating ethnic Thai society in Thailand�s northern Lanna region, north of the central basin. Lanna, or �land of a million rice paddies�, is a cultural region that has spanned northern Thailand (Rende 2005: 336). This sample includes 681 individuals from Chiang Mai and Phayao villages, 52 of whom were reported to have been �ever fostered� as a child (28 boys and 24 girls). (Rende 2005: 38) In environments of low paternity certainty and high marital fluidity and labour migration, parents generally trust their own lateral kin as foster caretakers for their children, regardless of distance, over close genetic kin from the other side. (Rende 2005: 348) Pink Ribbons or Blue, Many or Few? Maiden, Annet Hubbell and Farwell, Edie (1997) The Tibetan Art of Parenting. Boston, MA: Wisdom Publications. �According to the Tibetan tradition, there are special signs to determine the sex of a baby. If the left side of the mother�s stomach is higher during pregnancy, this indicates the child is a girl. If the baby is a boy, the right side of the stomach is higher, milk comes from the right breast, and the mother likes to lean to the right when sitting or standing. They also say it is a son when the bulge of the mother�s stomach is rather pointed and high, her body feels light, and she dreams of the birth of a boy. Dreams of horses and elephants or of meeting men also signify that the child is a boy.� (Maiden 1997: 57) �In Tibetan culture, the folklore belief is that a baby�s sex can change either during pregnancy, right at the moment of birth, or up to a few days after birth�Tibetan parents will sometimes say a baby is a girl�even if the child is very obviously a boy. This supposed to prevent a sex change from happening and keeps the spirits or human curses from bringing harm or illness to the baby.� (Maiden 1997: 101) Sullivan, Tim 2008. Sex-selective abortions entrenched in India: Money, technology haven't curbed desire to avoid having girls. Chicago Daily Herald. April 14th. Accessed April 15th, 2008. /story/?id=172327&src=109 �While researchers once thought education and wealth would dampen the preference for boys, the reverse has turned out to be true.� (Sullivan 2008: online) �According to UNICEF, about 7,000 fewer girls than expected are born every day in India. According to the British medical journal The Lancet, up to 500,000 female fetuses are being aborted every year. This in a country where abortion is legal but sex-determination tests were outlawed in 1991 -- a law nearly impossible to enforce, since ultrasound tests leave no trace.� (Sullivan 2008: online) �Researchers say pressure for smaller families is the most immediate problem. "Squeeze on family size is fueling the trend," said ActionAid researcher Jyoti Sapru. "For households expressing preference for one child only, they want to make sure it is a son."� (Sullivan 2008: online) Chapman, Charlotte Gower (1971) Milocca: A Sicilian Village. Cambridge, MA: Sckenkman. �My sister had six children, two boys and four burdens.� This statement reflects the general attitude toward female children in Sicily. The primary basis for it seems to be the dowry system, which makes every daughter represent a debt that sooner or later must be paid�Blessed is the door out of which goes a dead daughter, and the older she is the greater the comfort�[Contrast with] A woman would feel her lot a hard one if she had no daughters to help her in her household.� (Chapman 1971: 30) Suggests that daughters are only appreciated during middle childhood, when their value to their mothers is greatest� Promoting Survival Hewlett, Barry S. (1991). Demography and childcare in preindustrial societies. Journal of Anthropological Research. 47 : 1-37. �As fertility rates drop, the pervasiveness of multiple care increases (p. 14).� This statement is based on research w/ Efe, Aka and Ongee�all with very low fertility. ��my own field experiences with foragers and farmers in Africa and a careful of the literature strongly suggest that multiple care is more pervasive among foragers than among farmers or herders� (p. 14) Gottleib, Alma (1995) Of Cowries and crying: A Beng guide to managing#colic. Anthropology and Humanism 20(1): 20-28. �What do caregivers do when the seemingly healthy babies for whom they are responsible simply will not stop crying? And so we move to colic.� (p. 21) Emphasis in Beng model is to calm the baby not to entertain it or to find out what�s wrong. One strategy is to wrap a fussy baby into a cloth and attach it to someone�s back. Then, as the person travels, the movement will lull the baby to sleep. Indeed, mothers are encouraged to recruit a Leng Kuli or �baby carrier� from among their close female kin. (p. 23). This policy is supported by efforts to bind the infant to potential caretakers. When a visitor calls, the baby is to be awakened and displayed proudly. �you want to teach your baby how to be sociable, too, and to get to know all her relatives.� (p. 23). �Make sure the baby looks beautiful! Every morning after you give the baby her bath, make sure you put herbal makeup on her face as attractively as possible�You know, we have lots of designs for babies' faces�That way, the baby will be so irresistibly beautiful that someone will feel compelled to carry her around for a while that day. If you're lucky, maybe that person will even offer to be your leng kuli.� (p. 24) A second Beng ethno-theory involves divining the cause of the infant�s unhappiness. This arises from the notion that the baby is a reincarnated ancestor and is invoked when the default theory fails. It is costly as the diviner charges for services rendered and the solution to the crisis may require the mother to buy baubles to placate the unhappy baby. Mother: �What sorts of things might she be saying? Diviner: Well, it may be that in the other world, she wore a certain kind of jewelry that she liked very much. She's left it behind and misses it. If you find the same thing for her somewhere�in the marketplace, or maybe you can find someone to loan it to you�and you give it to her, she will stop crying�she'll be happy to have her favorite bracelet or necklace back.� (p. 25) Wieschhoff, Heinz (1937) Names and Naming Customs among the Mashona in Southern Rhodesia. American Anthropologist, 39(3 Part 1): 497 -503. �The Barue do not give the first name before the child is six months old. They are particularly strict in this respect. For the first half year they call the male baby marumbra, the female ntsiye. After this the father gives the names to the boys and the mother to the girls.� (Wieschhoff 1937: 498) Conklin, Beth A. and Morgan, Lynn M. (1996) Babies, Bodies, and the Production of Personhood in North America and a Native Amazonian Society. Ethos 24(4): 657-694 Mother and infant are treated as a unit; for about six weeks after birth they remain secluded together inside their house. A major objective of this seclusion is to build the baby's blood as it nurses at its mother's breast. In this liminal period, the sense that newborns are still in the process of coming into social being is conveyed by naming practices. Wari' babies traditionally do not receive a personal name until they are about six weeks old. Until then, in the Rio Lage-Rio Ribeirao area, babies of both sexes are called arawet, which translates literally as "still being made." In the Rio (672) Dois Irmaos area, newborns are waji, connoting immaturity. (Green, unripe fruit is oro-waji). An infant receives a personal name�and the mother's name changes to that of her baby�at about the time when they begin to emerge from seclusion and interact with the wider community. (673) Touchette, �velyne, Petit, Dominique, Tremblay, Richard E, Boivin, Michel , Falissard, Bruno, Genolini, Christophe, Montplaisir, Jacques Y. (2008) Associations between sleep duration pat#terns and overweight/obesity at age 6. SLEEP, 31(11):1507- 1514. Study suggests that cultural models that support structured infant sleep�that is, caretakers take steps to insure infant�s sleep is lengthy and undisturbed is adaptive for the child�s long-term healthy adjustment. Laissez-faire models that may result in less sleep for infants and children predict negative outcomes, obesity risk, in particular. Fonseca, Isabel (1995) Bury Me Standing: the Gypsies and Their Journey. New York: Vintage Books. �The infant was wrapped in a muslin envelope, so tightly that she could not move her arms and legs, the whole parcel, which was called the kopanec, was then fastened with pins and talismans to ward of �evil eyes.� Mimi pulled a thread from the red scarf I wore�red is the color of good health and happiness�and tucked it into the envelope, Jeta supplied a handful of new lek notes and in they went. The young mother couldn�t much enjoy this confinement (she, like her baby, was off-limits for forty days)�.Babies received constant and careful attention: they were wrapped and unwrapped and washed and dusted and oiled and wrapped back up again.� (Fonseca 1995: 44) Markstrom, Carol A. (2008) Empowerment of North American Indian Girls: Ritual Expressions at Puberty. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. �Mescalero Apaches, Talamantez (1991) described numerous ceremonies within the first year of life alone, such as ear piercing and putting on the child�s first moccasins, indicative of taking the first steps along the path of life. The first haircutting ceremony occurred in the springtime, and ceremonial activities occurred when a child was presented with his or her first solid foods.� (Markstrom 2008: 69) Talamantz , Ines (1991) Images of the feminine in Apache religious tradition. In Paul M. Cooey, William R. Eakin, & Jay B. McDaniel (Eds.), After Patriarchy: Feminist Transformations of the World Religions. (pp. 131-145). Maryknoll, NY: Orbis. Lawton, Carol (2007) Children in classical attic votive reliefs. In Cohen, Ada and Rutter, Jeremy B. (Eds.), Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy. Pp. 41-60. Princeton, NJ: The American School of Classical Study at Athens. �The high rate of infant mortality may explain the fact at all of the Attic reliefs depicting babies are dedicated to healers such as Asklepios and Pankrates or to the kourotropick Artemis.� (Lawton 2007: 45) �One such toddler wears a sort of chiton, but most are also distinguished by their nudity, which seems to indicate that they are not yet subject to the social norms of modest dress expected of older children� (Lawton 2007: 46) �Like babies, toddlers are also often attended by nurses at the edge of the scene� (Lawton Cohen 2007: 46) �The next idiographic type consists of older prepubescent children, distinguished by their dress and frequently also by their comportment.� (Lawton 2007: 50) �They are usually dressed like the adults, the girls in chiton or peplos and himation, the boys in himation.� (Lawton 2007: 50) Panter-Brick, Catherine (1997) Women�s work and engergetics: A case study from Nepal. In Mary Ellen Morbeck, Alison Galloway, and Adrienne L. Zihlman (Eds.), The Evolving Female: A Life-History Perspective. Pp. 233-241. Princeton: Princeton University Press. �Nevertheless, the decision of Tamang women to concentrate on infant care at the risk of neglecting older children is in a sense an appropriate choice. Survival is the key issue for Tamang infants (two-thirds of childhood deaths occur before age 1), whereas for older children the concern becomes one of nutritional wellbeing.� (Panter-Brick 1997: 239) Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Parents are actually thought to give up some of their own flesh and blood to the child during pregnancy. The child grows from the mother�s and the father�s flesh and blood, not from the food that the mother ingests. Women are thought to lose increments of their flesh and blood to each successive child they bear. By the time a woman has finished child bearing, she should be somewhat wasted and �bloodless� (lack of blood is seen as an ailment of old age). Man also experience this gradual debilitation.� (Fajans 1997: 62) Hardenberg, Roland 2006. Hut of the young girls: Transition from childhood to adolescence in a middle Indian tribal society. In Deepak K. Behera (Ed.), Childhoods in South Asia. Pp. 65-81. Singapore: Pearson Education. �If old people die slowly due to a prolonged illness, Dongria may argue that the baby of a pregnant woman takes away the �life� (jela) of the old person. In such cases it is believed that the person is dying while the baby grows in the maternal womb. In order to prevent this �theft� of soul substance, a shaman can perform a ritual. As part of this ritual the shaman forms a ball of earth which represents the soul of the baby, which is cut into two halves. One half is said to contain the soul of the old person, while the other is an empty container for the baby�s soul. The shaman utters the names of those ancestors (mahane), whose souls have not yet been reincarnated in a child, and requests them to give their soul to the baby. With the help of this ritual the old person can retrieve his or her own soul and recover from the illness without depriving the baby of its life-soul. (Hardenberg 2006: 79) Maiden, Annet Hubbell and Farwell, Edie (1997) The Tibetan Art of Parenting. Boston, MA: Wisdom Publications. �In preparation for conception it is common to purify oneself by seeking release from the consequences of any harm done to living beings.� (Maiden 1997: 21) �The section of human embryology begins with a description of the three stages of human growth in the womb: the fish phase, the turtle phase, and the pig phase. According to historians, this text provides evidence that by the eleventh century a culture had identified these three evolutionary processes.� (Maiden 1997: 50) �In Tibetan culture it is considered inauspicious to prepare too much beforehand�until they feel assured the baby will live. Sometimes new clothes and blankets are cut out, but they are not sewn together until after the birth.� (Maiden 1997: 69) �Immediately after the birth, saffron is stamped in the form of the�seed syllable for Manjursi, the deity of wisdom�on the baby�s tongue, in order to help the child sharpen his speech and memory�As [Manjursi's] sword symbolizes cutting through ignorance, parents symbolically bestow wisdom to their children [this] is the first step in developing the ability to speak articulately and to have clarity in communication, something that is tremendously valued in their culture.� (Maiden 1997: 81) �Diarrhea, another common infant ailment, may be treated with mantra. Three long protection cords are entwined to form one cord. This is cut in two, and twenty knots are tied in each. The mantra YAMA CHO is recited a hundred times for each cord and blown on them. One cord is tied around the baby�s neck and the other around its wrist.� (Maiden 1997: 124) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �To have an abortion (digrogokak�, literally, �to be made thinner�) is considered a sin, especially after the first three months; before that time the fetus is considered not yet human, to be �no more alive than blood.�� (Geertz 1961:84) �The Javanese feel that a baby is extremely vulnerable, especially to sudden shock which can lead to sickness or death. For if the baby were suddenly or severely disturbed by a loud noise, rough handling, strong taste, of physical discomfort, he would be kag�t, �shocked, startled, upset,� and his weak psychic defenses would fall and evil spirits (barang alus), which hover constantly around the mother and child, could enter and the infant and cause him to be ill. All the customs of infant care can be seen as attempts to ward off this danger. The baby is handled in a relaxed, completely supportive, gentle, unemotional way. He is constantly in his mothers� arms and lap when awake; if he is sound asleep and the mother must move around, she places him on a cushion of clean cloths, with pillows surrounding him so that he will not roll of the sleeping bench.� (Geertz 1961:92) �Town people say that village people (who are often considered almost less than human, uncultivated, uncontrolled, unreasonable) force their babies to eat and swaddle them tightly and uncomfortably. I have no check on the statement; its importance lies in the expression of the Javanese idea that permissiveness and gentleness are civilized attributes.� (Geertz 1961:95) �The working women, the bakuls, who sell in the market nurse their babies almost on a schedule.� (Geertz 1961:95) �She said that some children who are always carried around in a shawl and given the breast every time they indicate a desire for it may cry a good deal at weaning. Moreover, such children, she said�for instance, the only child of a couple who want children very much�grow up without any incentive to do anything; they won�t get ahead in school and won�t go to work because all they want to do is ask and receive from their parents; and sometimes eventually they go crazy. What she considered the best way (and what she did with her children and what her mother had done with her) is takeran, which means to measure out. She said that this is the custom among market women: to suckle the child in the morning before going to the market, then have the child brought to the market for a ten o�clock feeding, and then nurse the child again in the afternoon (one or two o�clock) and when she comes home form the market. She said that is makes the child strong to cry some when he wants to suckle.� (Geertz 1961: 96) �Since infants are thought to not like the very peppery spicing of adult food, the nursing mother uses no strong seasoning for fear the baby will be �startled� (kag�t) by it.� (Geertz 1961:99) �The fetus is said to be �meditating spiritual matters� (tapa, the withdrawal from the world of the mystic), fasting, and going without sleep within the cave of his mother�s womb for nine months in preparation for his emergence into the disturbing world. While this is the period of highest vulnerability, especially the first seven months, the period immediately after birth is not much safer. The first five days, until the falling-off of the stump of the umbilical cord and the pasaran ritual meal, at which he is given a name, are the most dangerous. For the next thirty days thereafter the infant is kept in the house, especially at sunset, and various magical spirit deterrents, such as a very sharp knife, are kept by his side. The next recognized state is marked by the seventh-month slametan, at which the child is allowed to touch the ground for the first time. Before this ritual he is too vulnerable to the spirits, which find is particularly easy to enter people through the feet.� (Geertz 1961:104) Perspective of an anthropologist who brought her infant into the field� Turner, Diane Michalski (1987) What happened when my daughter became a Fijan. In Children and Anthropological Research, Edited by Barbara Butler & Diane Michalski Turner, (pp. 92-114). New York, NY: Plenum Press. �They also made constant efforts to teach Jim and me how to care for her�For instance, they reprimanded us for picking her up by hooking our hands under her armpits. Fijians maintain that a cough is produced in a child by this kind of treatment. I was also berated when she developed a heat rash our first month in the village.� (Turner 1987: 105) ��a young woman�pinched Megan�s nose as I nursed her. This woman did it because she believed, as most villagers, that a child should be weaned soon after its first birthday. Prolonging breastfeeding is said to prevent the child from eating other foods that will make it strong. There is also the connotation that such extended nursing keeps the child in babyhood and develops a weak, simpering person. Fijians are often eager to have another child and believe the first child should be weaned before the mother becomes pregnant.� (Turner 1987:107). Three stages of infancy� Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �Infancy (bala) comprises three stages according to Hindu ethnotheory: (a) Ksirada, when the child depends exclusively on milk for nourishment; (b) Ksirannada, when the child depends on both milk and cereals for nourishment; and (c) Annada, when the child depends solely on cereals for nourishment.� (Keller 2007: 111). Interesting twist on sacred child theme� James, Wendy (1979) Kwanim Pa: The Making of the Uduk People. Oxford: Clarendon Press. �This is the first full length account of the Uduk people of the Sudan, who live uneasily between the northern and southern regions of the country, in the borderland close to the Ethiopian frontier.� (preface)�subsistence way of life, based today on hoe cultivation of sorghum and maize, hunting and fishing, and the rearing of a few domestic animals. Hunting was probably far more important in the past than it is today.� (James 1979: 4) �The Gurunya rites and practices, for example, are specifically concerned to ensure the survival of a child born to a woman who has already lost a number of children in infancy�This notion, that through special treatment children can be saved from the death which has overtaken their predecessors, finds widespread expression in eastern Africa. Among the Akamba of Kenya, for example, such a child may be given a name which will denigrate the child, and deflect the interest of the spirits which took his elder siblings, such as �hyena.�...Similar rites among the south-eastern Nuba �special protective rites in childhood, in the same circumstances, and who retain throughout their lives special privileges in relation to the rest of the community (James 1979: 204) �The children involved are gurunya/ after the blue-black glossy starling.� (James 1979:205) �But the adults who run the cult are without exception women, although male diviners may be called in to assist the gurunya specialists at certain points. All adults regard the cult as a whole as the business of women, and its ceremonies as occasions for the children�The great procession which passes round the hamlets of a neighborhood, singing and soliciting greetings and presents from every household�� (James 1979: 206) �Gurunya children are given very special treatment�often given eggs, sometimes raw eggs to suck, and they are given bits of chicken when it is available�Any special snack or delicious tidbit will be saved and given to the Gurunya; and small gifts of food, especially, will be solicited from any one who is preparing a meal. If the child cries, every effort is made to comfort him; he is cuddled, given tidbits, and women sing the Gurunya song for him.� (James 1979: 210) �The Gurunya is spoken of in more general terms as a cinkina/: a waif, a foundling, without kin and without any hope of survival on his own�If you ask why a baby Gurunya is a cinkina/, you are told that it is because he has lost his brothers and sisters; he has no kin. The mother, similarly, is a cinkina/ because she has lost all her children, she has no child in her hand, she is alone.� (James 1979: 211) When a woman has no children, or when they die, it is a serious matter for her whole community; the local birth-group will die out if its womenfolk fail to bear and to bring up children, especially daughters. The aim of the Gurunya rites could not be clearer: they are concerned with the saving of life and not merely that of individual women�s children, but of the whole community.� (James 1979: 212) �The normal rite for taking a baby out consists of carrying him through the front door of the hut�But the Gurunya baby does not come out by the front door. A special hole is made in the hut wall (James 1979: 213)The child is carried round�the village and laid at the door of each hut, where he is given some little presents such as a cob of maize�Two important themes dominate this rite, which partially introduces the baby to the social world. One is the idea of his being �led� carefully into it�The other important theme, which is developed through the (James 1979: 214) whole series of rites, it is that of the child being a charge upon the whole community. Everyone should contribute to his �rescue� or �adoption.� (James 1979: 215) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �More than 60 percent of all children born in Miang Tuu die before the age of three�The death risk is highest during the first three or four months. This grim fact may be reflected in the attitude toward infants. The major goal of their parents during the first three years is to keep them alive; the demands of enculturation are low.� (Broch 1990: 19) Read, Margaret (1960) Children of Their Fathers. New Haven: Yale University Press. �Nyasaland in Central Africa.� (Read 1960: 17) �The falling of the cord was the signal that the baby was ready to �come out of the hut� and be presented to the village.� (Read 1960: 53) Illness and Death Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. ��Bakkarwal, Muslin nomadic pastoralists in Jammu and Kashmir�� (Rao 1998: 1) �Children are rarely named by their parents before they are four.� (Rao 1998: 81) Jocano, F. Landa (1969) Growing Up in a Philippine Barrio. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �Parents and sibling are scolded by the older folks if they neglect to attend immediately to a crying child, crying being considered bad for children. Even during important affairs like religious s�ances, children are given much freedom to do as they please.� (Jocano 1969: 14) �Children are often considered to be the joy of the home.� (Jocano 1969: 14) �If within three days after birth the infant frets and cries, the father builds a bonfire underneath the house. Fretting is interpreted, as I have already indicated, as a sign that the infant is being visited by the evil spirits. Children are believed to be sensitive to the presence of these nonhumans; in fact, they can talk to them. The mother and the child are made to sit directly above the bonfire. The flame is put out to allow the smoke to rise, thus fumigating the two. This is know as tu?ub. The smoke �shields the doors, the windows, and the Crevices with preventive powers.� (Jocano 1969: 30) �As already indicated, the child is not breast fed immediately after delivery, because the colostrum is considered bad for the neonate. Breast feeding takes place on the third or fourth day, depending upon the mother�s lactation.� (Jocano 1969: 31) �The first haircuttings are kept for the medicinal use when the child develops a fever or has convulsions. It is believed that after a child has his first haircut, he becomes sickly and his own hair is the best cure. Portions of the cuttings are burned (Jocano 1969: 46) with native incense, and the sick child is fumigated with it. It is said that the smoke from the hair and native incense has strong curative power.� (Jocano 1969: 32) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �The care of newborns�the grandmother or another woman immediately dipped a finger in cow dung and stuck it deep into the newborn�s mouth. This was meant as an aid against the dangers of the child-stone, but also as a gesture of subjugation�In order to purge the child�s body from the impurities that eating the mother�s blood in the womb had produced,incisions were made with a knife or a razor blade (tikh, tikh zadan) on various parts of the body. A baby was said to need such purging again whenever it cried a lot.� (Friedl 1997: 59) �Djenn are said to be after the mother�s liver (jigar). They are also jealous of the baby, especially during the first ten, or better, forty, days; they might steal the baby or exchange it for their own, sickly one. A baby indicates that it might be a changeling by fussiness, weakness, or lack of growth.� (Friedl 1997: 69) �Deadly but rare is the child-stone or child-bead (mohre bacce), a smooth, reddish to black pebble with a hole through it for a sting. A sickly infant who dies despite all efforts is take to have been killed by some woman�s hidden child-stone.� (Friedl 1997: 70) �Because of these dangers, pregnant women and new mothers are wise to stay at home, to avoid places where many women gather such a wedding parties.� (p. 71) �The baby was sickly, small, weak. When she was a year old she could hardly sit. Everybody expected her to die�her father even suggested that her mother let Mozhgan die; they would make another, better child, he said. From several signs the mother came to suspect that the baby was a changeling, a djenn�s child substituted for her own when she had been left alone for a moment sometime soon after birth. An amulet-writer in Deh Koh wrote three prayer-amulets. (One to burn under the cradle; one to cover with beeswax, put in water, and then wash the child with the water; the third to be sewn into a piece of fabric and hung around the baby�s neck until the string broke). He also suggested changing her name to Masume Zahra, a religious one. Since then, as Masume Zahre, she has been doing well, and her parents like her very much; obviously, they say, the djenn had exchanged the sickly child for their real, well child again.� (Friedl 1997: 81) �A boy infant needs less cleaning and changing of diaper-rags than a girl because his penis can be stuck into a wooden or metal pipe that drains into a can hung outside the cradle footboard. Baby girls are wet pretty much all the time�wet and uncomfortable because they do not have a penis, women explain.� (Friedl 1997: 83) �A dead young infant is washed quickly at home, wrapped, and buried unceremoniously in a shallow, unmarked grave.� (Friedl 1997: 84) �A mother�s first milk is said to be �very strong.� A weak newborn therefore might be fed sugar-water from a spoon or a bottle until its mother can provide regular milk.� (Friedl 1997: 85) �In cases of a woman�s serious resentment of her husband, not nursing a child is a way of getting back at him, no matter how great the emotional costs may be to the mother�Written amulets, a hair or tooth of a wolf, the head of a rooster, something made of iron such as miniature replicas of tools or a bangle, a Qoran [spelled like this in book], all kept near the cradle or pinned to the infant�s clothing, and fumigation with the burning seeds of wild rue are said to ward of djenn.� (Friedl 1997: 87) �A clean baby is beautiful (tamiz, clean, is a metaphor for beauty), yet this very beauty may attract fatal attention from a djenn or the evil eye of an admirer. A dirty, smally, �ugly� (zesht) baby is, in this sense, much safer than a clean, nice one �Look how dirty he is!� a mother will exclaim happily.� (Friedl 1997: 88) Shaner, Andrew, Miller, Geoffery, and Mintz, Jim (2008) Autism as the low-fitness extreme of a parentally selected fitness indicator. Human Nature, 19(4): 389-413. How does this fit with the �invisible baby� and �toddler rejection� ideas? �Suppose that the ability of human offspring to charm their parents�perhaps through language, facial expression, creative play, and coordinated social interaction�(Shaner 2008: 392) evolved as a parentally selected fitness indicator. More articulate expressive, playful, and socially engaged offspring would give a reliable warranty of their genetic and phenotypic quality and thus would solicit higher parental investment. Offspring would vary greatly in their ability to charm parents, and that variation would correlate with underlying fitness. Autism could represent the least charming, low-fitness extreme of this variation�accounting not only for the typical symptoms of autism, but also for the frustration and alienation experienced by parents of autistic children.� (Shaner 2008: 393) �Offspring vary in genetic quality and therefore in their potential for survival and reproduction. This could lead mothers to assess offspring fitness and allocate resources accordingly. If ancestral human parents delivered more resources to babies showing indications of superior fitness, this could have lead babies to evolve traits that signal fitness. They could thereby influence how long a mother continues to breastfeed intensively enough to prevent ovulation (through lactational amenorrhea), thus delaying the appearance of a sibling rival.� (Shaner 2008:393) Mabilia, Mara (2000) The cultural context of childhood diarrhoea among Gogo infants. Anthropology and Medicine, 7(2): 191-208. ��2.2 million infant and child deaths are the result of dehydration caused by persistent diarrhoea.� (Mabilia 2000: 191) �Mothers have various explanatory models for classifying diarrhoea in their offspring, and each of these represents their cultural construction. They distinguish among the �precipitating� agents: food: that may be dirty, rotten, or can be indigestible for the child�s stomach such as beans, vegetables, stiff millet or sorghum porridge; exposure to seasonal changes: especially when particular trees, mpela (baobab), mnynga (unclassified), and mpululu (unclassified), bloom in the bush before the wet season starts; physical factors: such as milestones of physical development, especially standing up, sitting on the floor, crawling, walking, and teething; moral misbehavior of the parents: as when the parents, together or individually, break the traditional taboos; and Supernatural causes such as sorcery or evil eye. (Mabilia 2000: 195) According to these causes, there are different explanations as to whether the diarrhoea is serious, and even potentially fatal, or whether it is to be considered a normal occurrence in the baby�s growth. Consequently, there will be different treatments and patterns of help-seeking.� (Mabilia 2000: 195) �In the mind of Gogo mothers the baby should look for the breast by itself or cry when it wants to be nursed. But if a baby is affected by acute diarrhoea for several days, it may be possible that it falls into a state of apathy, due to loss of appetite and vomit, and does not cry or look for the breast by itself. The result is a reduced breastfeeding that may expose the child to the risk of severe protein-energy malnutrition. A mother, moreover, does not consider it necessary to replace the fluid lost in order to prevent dehydration because she does not recognize dehydration�In the presence of chronic diarrhoea, unresponsive to any treatment, the mother gets anxious and asks herself if there has been some change, some specific alteration in her breast milk�If a baby continues to have diarrhoea that means that the mother�s breast mild has become hot�The most important change in breast milk�is when the milk is spoiled by wrongful or neglectful parental sexual behaviour�Every breach of post-partum taboos by the parents is believed by Wagogo to be the cause of serious forms of diarrhoeal disorders in their child which can even kill it.� (Mabilia 2000: 196) �It is common belief among the Gogo women that a new pregnancy alters the physiological equilibrium in the woman�s body and her breast milk turns into colostrum. When an infant sucks this breast milk�of the unborn baby�it will start having diarrhoea and vomit�When faced with this kind of diarrhoea a mother must immediately stop breastfeeing (kulesa) and give her baby a special medicine so that the bad milk flushes out of the baby�s stomach. This is an oil obtained by cooking a sheep�s tail�together with a medicine that a traditional healer�extracts from a particular parasitic plant�The fat tail of the sheep is supposed to have a cooling effect on the �hot� stomach of the baby.� (Mabilia 2000: 197) When this occurs ��.The old women�called a meeting and with harsh words blamed the mother for not having been able to deny her favours to her husband.� (Mabilia 2000: 197) �When a sucking baby has watery diarrhoea, with blood�a very bad smell, and�vomiting it is the sign of promiscuous affairs (mchanganyiko, literally, a mixture) of parents.� (Mabilia 2000: 198) Wieschhoff, Heinz (1937) Names and Naming Customs among the Mashona in Southern Rhodesia. American Anthropologist, 39(3 Part 1): 497 -503. �The Barue do not give the first name before the child is six months old. They are particularly strict in this respect. For the first half year they call the male baby marumbra, the female ntsiye. After this the father gives the names to the boys and the mother to the girls.� (Wieschoff 1937: 498). Guemple, Lee (1979) Inuit socialization: A study of children as social actors in an Eskimo community. In Childhood and Adolescence in Canada, Karigoudar Ishwaran (Ed.). Pp. 39-71. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. �General or prolonged fussiness, a refusal to eat (p. 41) or outright sickness�all these may be diagnosed as symptomatic of the spirit�s withdrawal from the body. To secure its permanent integration with the body, the family and others make every effort to encourage it to remain. The measures necessary to insure this are thought to be the maintenance of a congenial atmosphere in which the infant spirit will be happy, expressions of concern and affection for the infant, and the creation of important ritual ties to members of the community outside the natal household.� (Guemple 1979: 42) The Extremes of High and Low Fertility Lawson, David W. and Mace, Ruth (2010) Optimizing Modern Family Size. Human Nature 21: 39-61. �In contemporary Britain, relatively wealthy and well-educated mothers perceive greater economic costs to raising a large family. Evidence from a number of studies supports our interpretation that this reflects increased concerns about the production of socially and economically competitive offspring.� (Lawson 2010, 57) Frost, Joe L. (2010) A History of Children�s Play and Play Environments: Toward a Contemporary Child-Saving Movement. New York: Routledge. �A physician gave his prescription for rickets, a disease previously unknown to the pilgrims: Dip the child in cold water, naked in the morning, head foremost in cold water, don�t dress it immediately but let it be made warm in ye cradle and (Frost 2010: 34) sweat at least a half an hour. Do this 3 mornings going and if one or both feet are cold while other parts sweat, Let a little blood be taken out of ye feet ye 2d morning, and it will cause them to sweat afterwards (MacElroy 1929: 16).� (Frost 2010: 35) MacElroy, Mary Holbrook (1929) Work and Play in Colonial Days. New York, NY: Macmillian. Angela Nunes (2005) Childhood dynamics in a changing culture: Examples from the Xavante people of central Brazil. in Jacqueline Kn�rr (Ed) Childhood And Migration: From Experience to Agency. (pp. 207-226) Bielefeld, Germany: Transcript Verlag � Study of the Xavante living in a post-contact settlement. Increase in fertility and need to wash clothing, keeps women so busy, they ��were gradually withdrawing from participation in dances and rituals, simply because they were too tired from work. People felt this was a serious loss, especially in a society where the older generation needs to serve as examples to maintain its cultural heritage.� (Nunes 2005: 219) Lawson, David W. and Mace, Ruth (2009). Trade-offs in modern parenting: A longitudinal study of sibling competition for parental care. Human Behavior 30(3): 170-183. �All aspects of family structure showed strong independent associations with parental care. Most importantly, both mothers and fathers can only achieve large family size at a significant cost to the quality of care provided to individual children. In fact, family size was the strongest explanatory variable considered in our analysis. Our results are therefore consistent with the position that established negative relationships between family size and offspring outcomes in modern societies are mediated by reduction in parental investment.� (Lawson and Mace 2009: 180) �We also find that the incremental costs of each additional child tailed off in the largest families consistent with a quantity�quality trade-off model.� (Lawson and Mace 2009: 180) �We found that family size effects on parental investment were generally not alleviated in wealthy or well educated families. In fact, our results suggest particularly in relation to paternal investment, that middle or high SES may actually increase the magnitude of trade-off effects relative to low SES families.� (Lawson and Mace 2009: 180) �The failure of increased parental resources to reduce trade-offs may be understood by categorizing parental care into guaranteed �base investments� and �surplus investments,� which only parents of sufficient wealth are able to provide. As such children in poor families may be relatively unaffected by family size because surplus investments are beyond their reach and minimal base investments guaranteed. This model is theoretically a much better fit to modern societies in which base levels of schooling, healthcare, and social opportunity are guaranteed by the welfare state. In the context of our study, high levels of parental care, particularly from fathers, may therefore be seen as surplus investment with lower base levels guaranteed across socioeconomic strata. In fact, the particularly strong effects of SES on paternal care means that low SES fathers literally have limited ability to reduce investment any further as family size increases.� (Lawson and Mace 2009: 181) Jacobson, Celean (2009) Study: 2 million babies and mothers die at birth. Associated Press. October 8th. Available: # HYPERLINK "/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5j0CmPa9HNAEfl8qp_o0WniD3WLeQD9B5UEOO1" ##/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5j0CmPa9HNAEfl8qp_o0WniD3WLeQD9B5UEOO1# �More than 2 million babies and mothers die worldwide each year from childbirth complications, outnumbering child deaths from malaria and HIV/AIDS, according to a study�released Tuesday at the International Federation of Gynecology and Obstetrics world congress being held in Cape Town.� �Some 1.02 million babies are stillborn and another 904,000 die soon after birth. By comparison, 820,000 children die from malaria and 208,000 die from HIV/AIDS worldwide�.About 42 percent of the world's 536,000 maternal deaths also occur during childbirth, according to the study. Deaths in Africa and South Asia account for three-quarters of the maternal and infant deaths�.researchers were taken aback by the shocking figures and the lack of attention given to these mothers and their babies. �It is seen as women's business. Stillbirths don't count. Sometimes the deaths of women don't even count.� Epidemic of premature births. Likely proximal/distal causes 1. Shortening of the IBI. Disappearance of post-partum sex taboo and shortening of nursing period. Mothers in the Third World are resuming sexual relations (and getting pregnant) shortly after infant is born. 2. Very young girls getting pregnant, giving birth. Relaxation of parental (father absence) restraint of children�s sexual activity. 3. Women getting pregnant and bringing infant to term, even though they are too young, malnourished, refugees or otherwise in an extremely unfavorable environment. Campaign by religious organizations to deny access to reproductive alternatives, including contraception. Lynch, Elizabeth (2009) Global death toll: 1 million premature babies every year. The March of Dimes, October 4th. Available: /pub_releases/2009-10/modf-gdt100209.php �More than one million infants die each year because they are born too early, according to the just released White Paper, The Global and Regional Toll of Preterm Birth. �The new White Paper shows that in 2005, an estimated 13 million babies worldwide were born preterm -- defined as birth at less than 37 full weeks of gestation. That is almost 10 percent of total births worldwide. About one million deaths in the first month of life (or 28 percent of total newborn deaths) are attributable to preterm birth.� �According to the White Paper, the highest preterm birth rates in the world are found in Africa, followed by North America (United States and Canada combined)�In the United States alone, the annual cost of caring for preterm babies and their associated health problems tops $26 billion annually.� �Worldwide, the preterm birth rate is estimated at 9.6 percent �representing about 12.9 million babies. Though all countries are affected, the global distribution is uneven: the toll of preterm birth is particularly severe for Africa and Asia, where more than 85 percent of all preterm births occur. Comparison of preterm birth rates across world regions finds the highest rate in Africa -- 11.9 percent or about 4 million babies each year; followed by (in descending order) North America, Asia, Latin America and the Caribbean, Oceania (Australia and New Zealand combined), and Europe.� �Babies who survive a preterm birth face the risk of serious lifelong health problems including cerebral palsy, blindness, hearing loss, learning disabilities, and other chronic conditions. Even infants born late preterm have a greater risk of re-hospitalization, breathing problems, feeding difficulties, temperature instability (hypothermia), jaundice and delayed brain development.� Almost 13 Million Preterm Births Worldwide #Number of Preterm Births#Preterm Birth Rates %##World Total#12,870,000#9.6##Africa#4,047,000#11.9##North America (US & Canada)*#480,000#10.6##Asia#6,907,000#9.1##Latin America & the Caribbean#933,000#8.1##Oceania (Australia/New Zealand)#20,000#6.4##Europe#466,000#6.2##Preterm birth rates by national income category: In high resource regions, 1,014,000 infants each year are born preterm, or 7.5 percent of total births. In middle resource regions, 7,685,000 infants are born preterm, or 8.8 percent of total births. In low resource regions, 4,171,000 infants are born preterm, or 12.5 percent of total births. Fertility reduction in-spite of government/ religious authority pro-natalist policy. Loefeler, Agnes, & Friedl, Erika (2009). Cultural parameters of a �miraculous� birth rate drop. Anthropology News, 50(3): 14. ��During the Pahlavi era, public health programs, primary education for boys and girls, and the rising standard of living lowered infant mortality and increased life expectancy so that the population started to rise rapidly.� (Loefeler, 2009: 14) �During the Iran/Iraq was (1980-88), Iran�s Islamist government adopted an aggressive pro-natalist stance. As word spread that Ayatollah Khomeini needed boys to wage war, women showed political allegiance and affirmed their identity through their fertility�The government kept contraceptive devices legally available but did not advocate them� (Loefeler, 2009: 14) [However, in recent years] ��increasingly cash-based economy shifted family organization away from the extended family as a production/consumption unit to the nuclear family, with increased consumption and decreased willingness to support relatives. As lifestyle aspiration surpassed incomes, children became economic liabilities.� (Loefeler, 2009: 14) Artificially assisted reproduction becoming popular in impoverished, Third World countries. Fertility is so highly valued, the infertile are ostracized� Hoerbst, Viola (2009) In the making: Assisted reproductive technologies in Mali, West Africa. Anthropology News 50(2), 4-5. �In African countries with high birth rates, such as Mali, where the average number of children per woman is around 6.8, the idea of infertility could be a common problem appears to be absurd. Yet the figures speak for themselves. Reproductive Health outlook estimates that fertility problems affect 8-12% of couples globally, but that infertility rates in sub-Saharan Africa range from 7-29%.� (Hoerbst 2009: 4) �Life without children of one�s own is neither imaginable nor desirable for Mali women and men.� (Hoerbst 2009: 4) �There have been efforts in the private health sector, where some gynecologists try to provide ART locally.� (Hoerbst 2009: 4) �Dr. M has managed to provide i#n#t#r#a#u#t#e#r#i#n#e# #i#n#s#e#m#i#n#a#t#i#o#n# #(#I#U#I#)# #a#t# #a# #r#e#a#s#o#n#a#b#l#e# #l#o#c#a#l# #p#r#i#c#e# #a#t# #b#e#t#w#e#e#n# #� 5#0#0# #a#n#d# #� 1#,#0#0#0# #(#i#n#c#l#u#d#i#n#g# #d#r#u#g#s#)#,# #a#n#d# #i#n# #v#i#t#r#o# #f#e#r#t#i#l#i#z#a#t#i#o#n# #(#I#V#F#)# #a#t# #b#e#t#w#e#e#n# #� 1#,#6#0#0# #a#n#d# #� 2#,#0#0#0# #f#o#r# #a# #s#i#n#g#l#e# #a#t#t#e#m#p#t#.## #(#H#o#e#r#b#s#t# #2#0#0#9#:# #4#)# # #B#r#a#f#f#,# #L#a#r#a# #(#2#0#0#9#)# #A#s#s#i#s#t#e#d# #r#e#p#r#o#d#u#c#t#i#o#n# #a#n#d# #p#opulation politics: Creating �modern� families in Mexico City. Anthropology News 50(2): 5-6. �In many ways, fertility clinics in Mexico are similar to those elsewhere in the world. They offer high-tech treatments, including in vitro fertilization and artificial insemination, intended to help people conceive.� (Braff 2009: 5) �Recent studies conducted in the Global South�show that ARTs are increasingly used by people of limited resources who find ways to pay�such as by borrowing from friends and family. Regardless of people�s (in)ability to financially afford ARTS, in these and other societies the social pressure to reproduce can be quite high as having children is locally construed as integral to a person�s gender identity, kin relationships and societal participation.� (Braff 2009: 5) UNICEF: Nine of the 12 countries with the world's highest rate of child deaths are West Africa, according to the UN Children's Fund (UNICEF) State of the World's Children 2008 which was released on 22 January. According to the report, the region is the only one in the world showing "no progress" on reaching the Millennium Development Goal to reduce under-five mortality by two thirds by 2015. On average 18.6 percent of children in West Africa die before their fifth birthday, while one in 10 will die by their first. ##Malnutrition is a leading cause of death in the region, killing half of all children under five, according to UNICEF. This is because it weakens children's ability to fight other diseases, such as malaria or pneumonia.# But giving birth also leads to death for simpler reasons that are easier to rectify, such as the lack of a clean blade to cut umbilical cords and cultural behaviours such as an avoidance of breastfeeding.# Compare to Guinea-Bissau: Paradox of high fertility in an environment in which children inevitably suffer� Kovats-Bernat, J. Christopher (2006) Sleeping Rough in Port-Au-Prince. Gainsville, FL: University of Florida Press. �This is a place where it is not at all uncommon for children to die of starvation or sores, thirst. Add to this the rampant gun violence and civil terror that has served as the backdrop of everyday life in Haiti for the past half-century, and it becomes immediately apparent that if there is any place in the world in which children have no business growing up, it is in the Republic of Haiti.� (Kovats-Bernat 2006: 1) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �[Deh Koh is a] village in the high mountains of southwest Iran�The population of Deh Koh has grown steadily from a few dozen people in a small huddle of stone-and-adobe houses at the turn of the century to close to four thousand on last count, mostly by a combination of high birth rate and falling infant mortality rates. About half the people in Deh Koh are younger than fifteen years of age. This growth rates leaves its marks on the shape of the village.� (Friedl 1997: 1) �In the summer of 1994 the local physician said that pregnant women in Deh Koh are in very poor health. With few exceptions they are anemic and malnourished. They are having too many pregnancies, too closely spaced, and many miscarriages. Newborns look like premature babies, birth weight is low, and mothers have insufficient milk. It was worse in the past, though. Women claim negative side effects for every birth control device. They use contraceptives unreliably; men reject condoms�If it is again legalized by the government women will use abortions to space children�The doctors claim that women are not serious about birth control because they are afraid that their husbands will take another wife if they do not have a child every year.� (Friedl 1997: 38) �A woman who wants to abort a fetus is likely to swallow a handful of pills from her drug cache of unconsumed medicines�.People know of a severely handicapped child in another village, the result of the mother�s failed attempt to abort it with pills.� (Friedl 1997: 45) Kramer, Karen L. and Greaves, Russell D. (2007) Changing patterns of infant mortality and maternal fertility among Pum� foragers and horticulturalists. American Anthropologist, 109(4): 713-726. The Pum� are a group of native South Americans who have inhabited the llanos of southwest Venezuela for at least the past several hundred years.� (Kramer 2007: 714) �Those who live along the Capanaparo, Cinaruco, and Riecito Rivers reside in permanent villages and have a mixed subsistence base of fish, manioc horticulture, animal husbandry, wild foods , and occasional wage labor. In contrast, the Pum� who live in the savannas between these major river courses are mobile foragers, subsisting on hunting fishing, wild root and mango collection, and, to a much lower extent, manioc horticulture.� (Kramer 2007: 714) �The Pum� results add to these studies by demonstrating that population growth during the earliest stages of economic acculturation occurs through not only higher child survival but also an increase in birth rates.� (Kramer 2007: 721) �Greater accessibility of agricultural and market foods improves the diets of young children, less through absolute availability than by reducing the periodicity and amplitude of nutritional stress. Cross-cultural evidence suggests that among traditional populations, improved children�s diets can introduce substantial gains in survival.� (Kramer 2007: 722) �Nursing infants are particularly susceptible to gastrointestinal diseases after they are introduced to supplementary foods. Infants exclusively fed breast milk are at considerable reduced risk of diarrhea compared to infants who are introduced to (Kramer 2007: 722) supplementary foods.� (Kramer 2007: 723) Durantini, Mary Frances (1979) The Child in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Painting. Ann Arbor: University Microfilms International. In Durantini�s book, there are scenes of mothers reading with children at home. The mothers are dressed rather elaborately in comfortable if not lavish surroundings, seated at ease with one child or two. These are women with the leisure to enjoy and entertain their (relatively) small broods. Heywood, Colin 2001. A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. �Tender domestic scenes, including fathers feeding and singing to their infants, occasionally appear in Dutch art of the seventeenth century.� (Heywood 2001: 87) Mintz, Steven (2004) Huck�s Raft: A History of American Childhood. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. �At the end of the eighteenth century the Quakers became the first group to deliberately limit births, and by 1810 the impulse to control births spread to all parts of the country. Relying primarily upon abstinence, coitus interruptus, and the rhythm method, supplemented by abortion (usually chemically induced or a result of trauma to the uterus), parents dramatically reduced the birthrate.� (Mintz 2004: 77) �The drop in the birthrate also reflected new cultural ideals, including a rejection of the view that women were chattels who should devote their adult lives to an endless cycle of pregnancy and childbirth.� (Mintz 2004: 78) Demographic Transition doesn't just affect the # of children, but views on what constitutes "normal" childhood as well... Hollos, Marida C. (2002) The cultural construction of childhood: Changing concepts among the Pare of Northern Tanzania. Childhood 9(2): 167-189. �The article examines the concept of childhood in an African society and tracks a contemporary shift in thinking about what a child is when a major sociocultural transformation effects a large segment of that population. The Pare, traditionally patrilineal highland cultivators, have recently experienced a change in their subsistence base from hoe cultivation to wage labor. This brought about a shift away from reliance on lineage authority to more couple-centered relations in some couples. A consequence of this has been a reduction in fertility in these couples and a view on children which departs from the traditional one. The article compares the daily lives of the children and the two types of parents� conceptualizations of childhood.� (Hollos 2002: 167) �The data show that there are important differences in the lives of children in the two kinds of households. Children in small, so-called �partnership� families work little, play a lot, rest quite a bit and study. Their experience seems to resemble the one that Zlata considered desirable and which we in the West consider to be a �normal� childhood. The parents of these children consider them to be an important part of their lives in terms of the enjoyment, companionship and love they provide and want to ensure that they have a happy and fulfilled life. To them, this happiness and fulfillment comes through freedom to play and loaf and through achievement in school. They try to ensure that this opportunity is available to their children. Children in the larger, so-called �lineage-based� families work a lot, play little and rest and study even less. These parents have a utilitarian view on children: they consider them to be valuable as part of a joint family enterprise and workforce and as potential support in their old age. Thus there is a convergence between the differences in the children�s daily lives and the notions their parents hold about childhood. So, in the context of this small African community we can observe two different conceptions and experiences of childhood, coexisting.� (Hollow 2002: 187) Russell Shorto(2008) No Babies: Europe's Baby Bust. New York Times Magazine. June 29, 2008. Accessed August 20, 2009. /2008/06/29/magazine/29Birth-t.html?scp=1&sq=No+Babies%3A+Europe%27s+Baby+Bust&st=nyt �The cover story investigates Europe's "baby bust." Contrary to the analysis offered by social conservatives, who believe secular lifestyles based on nontraditional gender roles are to blame, sociologists attribute rapidly shrinking European populations to a lack of support for working mothers. The theory plays out in the fertility rates-countries with "greater gender equality have a greater social commitment to day care and other institutional support for working women," like the Netherlands and Norway, which have more births than more traditional countries like Italy, where "society prefers women to stay at home after they become mothers, and the government reinforces this," even though fewer Italian women work outside the home than their Scandinavian counterparts.� (Russell 2008: online) �When Aassve moved from Norway to Italy last year to study fertility issues, he said, he found himself with a case of culture whiplash. As women advanced in education levels and career tracks over the past few decades, Norway moved aggressively to accommodate them and their families. The state guarantees about 54 weeks of maternity leave, as well as 6 weeks of paternity leave. With the birth of a child comes a government payment of about 4,000 euros. State-subsidized day care is standard. The cost of living is high, but then again it�s assumed that both parents will work; indeed, during maternity leave a woman is paid 80 percent of her salary. �In Norway, the concern over fertility is mild,� Aassve told me. �What dominates is the issue of gender equity, and that in turn raises the fertility level. For example, there is a debate right now about whether to make paternity leave compulsory. It�s an issue of making sure women and men have equal rights and opportunities. If men are taking leave after the birth of a child, the women can return to work for part of that time.� (Russell 2008: online) �What Aassve found in Italy was strikingly different. While Italian women tend to be as highly educated as Scandinavian women, he said, about 50 percent of Italian women work, compared with between 75 percent and 80 percent of women in Scandinavian countries. Despite its veneer of modernity, Italian society prefers women to stay at home after they become mothers, and the government reinforces this. There is little state-financed child care, especially for new mothers, and most newlyweds still find homes close to one or both sets of parents, the assumption being that the extended family will help raise the children. But this no longer works as it once did. �As couples tend to delay childbearing,� Aassve says, �the age gap between generations is widening, and in many cases grandparents, who would be the ones relied upon for child care, themselves become the ones in need of care.� (Russell 2008: online) �If this reading of southern European countries is correct � that their superficial commitment to modernity, to a 21st-century lifestyle, is fatally at odds with a view of the family structure that is rooted in the 19th century � it should apply in other parts of the world, should it not? Apparently it does. This spring, the Japanese government released figures showing that the country�s under-14 population was the lowest since 1908. The head of Thailand�s department of health announced in May that his country�s birthrate now stands at 1.5, far below the replacement level. �The world record for lowest-low fertility right now is South Korea, at 1.1,� Francesco Billari told me. �Japan is just about as low. What we are seeing in Asia is a phenomenon of the 2000s, rather than the 1990s. And it seems the reasons are the same as for southern Europe. All of these are societies still rooted in the tradition where the husband earned all the money. Things have changed, not only in Italy and Spain but also in Japan and Korea, but those societies have not yet adjusted. The relationships within households have not adjusted yet.� Western Europe, then, is not the isolated case that some make it out to be. It is simply the first region of the world to record extremely low birthrates.� (Russell 2008: online) �But one other factor affecting the higher U.S. birthrate stands out in the minds of many observers. �There�s much less flexibility in the European system,� Haub says. �In Europe, both the society and the job market are more rigid.� There may be little state subsidy for child care in the U.S., and there is certainly nothing like the warm governmental nest that Norway feathers for fledgling families, but the American system seems to make up for it in other ways. As Hans-Peter Kohler of the University of Pennsylvania writes: �In general, women are deterred from having children when the economic cost � in the form of lower lifetime wages � is too high. Compared to other high-income countries, this cost is diminished by an American labor market that allows more flexible work hours and makes it easier to leave and then re-enter the labor force.� An American woman might choose to suspend her career for three or five years to raise a family, expecting to be able to resume working; that happens far less easily in Europe.� (Russell 2008: online) Because labor union influence is much stronger in Europe than in the US. Two Exceptions An update on the situation in Mormon Utah as of 4.16.10. The fertility rate remains quite high, roughly a third higher than the US as a whole. Utah�s economy has been relatively robust with only 7.2% unemployment compared to 9.7% nationally. In spite of the strong economy, Utahans continue to file for bankruptcy at an extremely high rate and to default on their home mortgages passing the burden of their high fertility and attendant costs on to the public at large. House, Dawn (2010) Bankruptcies on record pace. Salt Lake Tribune, April 15th, C-1. Anonymous (2010) Utah remains among the highest in surge of foreclosure filings. Salt Lake Tribune, April 15th, C-2 Lack of effective sex education and contraception in the US takes a toll: Koch, Wendy (2009) Abuse report: 10,440 children died 2001-07. USA TODAY October 21st. Available: # HYPERLINK "/news/nation/2009-10-20-child-abuse-report_N.htm" ##/news/nation/2009-10-20-child-abuse-report_N.htm# �Everyday in the U.S. 5 children die from abuse or neglect; more than 10,000 children died from abuse or neglect in the U.S. from 2001 through 2007, three quarters of them younger than 4, said a report based on data from the Department of Health and Human Services. �The U.S. death rate is more than double the rate in France, Canada, Japan, Germany, Great Britain and Italy, countries that have less teen pregnancy, violent crime and poverty�. The real number may be higher as the cause of death from abuse of neglect may be attributed to other causes. Funding for prevention and education programs has suffered over the last decade and with the recession the problems grows worse with many states cutting child welfare services over and above past levels. The report suggests higher levels of spending on programs to combat child poverty and abuse.� (Koch 2009: online) Keller, Greg (2009) US fares poorly in child welfare survey. The Associated Press. September 1st.Available: # HYPERLINK "/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5g_CQ5dFodttwmt5mQB0fQiOrq_uwD9AEMF2O4" \t "_blank" ##/hostednews/ap/article/ALeqM5g_CQ5dFodttwmt5mQB0fQiOrq_#uwD9AEMF2O4###�America has some of the industrial world's worst rates of infant mortality, teenage pregnancy and child poverty, even though it spends more per child than better-performing countries such as Switzerland, Japan and the Netherlands.� �U.S. spending on children under six, a period the OECD says is key to children's future well-being, lags far behind other countries, amounting to only $20,000 per child on average compared to the OECD average of $30,000, the survey showed.� ��infant mortality in the U.S. is the fourth-worst in the OECD after Mexico� American 15-year-olds rank seventh from the bottom on the OECD's measure of average educational achievement. Child poverty rates in the U.S. are nearly double the OECD average, at 21.6 percent compared to 12.4 percent�The rate of teen births in the U.S. is three times the OECD average, with only Mexico recording a higher rate among OECD countries.� �Timothy Smeeding, author of "Poor Kids in a Rich Country: America's Children in Comparative Perspective," said "The parents in Europe� have children when they're ready�A lot of kids born in our country are accidents," he said. "Young women need to learn to wait to finish their education, not have a kid at 18 or 19. And it is these poor, unwed mothers having most of the babies in the U.S."� Surplus children Whitehurst, Lindsay 2009. Boy riding ATV slams into dump truck, dies. Salt Lake Tribune. June 26th. B1,2 �Seven-year old Landon Woodbury was �probably having the time of his life� his father said. B1 �He was doing what he loved to do most, It was just an unfortunate accident� the father said. The family still has 5 living children including an 8 year old and a 4-year old. Jayson, Sharon (2008) Waiting for the right time. USA Today, Nov. 10th, D1. �In US median age of marriage now 26 women, 28 men.� (Jayson 2008: D1) Roberts, Paula (2008) The implications of multiple partner fertility for efforts to promote marriage in programs serving low-income mothers and fathers. Center for Law and Social Policy (CLASP), Policy Brief, 11 (March): 1-11. ��Fragile Families and Child Wellbeing Study. This longitudinal study is following a birth cohort of nearly 5,000 children and their parents randomly�There are 3,712 non-marital children. The typical unmarried mother and father are in their late twenties. More than one-third of the unmarried mothers are Hispanic, 44 percent are non-Hispanic African-American�The more times a mother gives birth, the more likely it is that she will have those children with different partners.� (Roberts 2008: 2) �Black non-Hispanic mothers and fathers are much more likely to have children from more than one partner than parents of other racial/ethnic groups. Mothers who had their first child at a young age are much more likely than others to have several partners. (Corresponding data are not available for fathers). Fathers who have been incarcerated are twice as likely as fathers who have not been incarcerated to have children by more than one partner�74 percent of fathers either have children with more than one partner or have been involved with someone who has children with another partner.� (Roberts 2008: 3) Burton, Linda M. and Graham, Joan E. (1998) Neighborhood rhythms and the social activities of adolescent mother. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development, 82:7-22. ��urban African American teen mothers.� (Burton 1998: 9) �We began our study of [18] neighborhoods, teen parents, and multigeneration families in the summer of 1989 in a medium sized, predominately African American northeastern city.� (Burton 1998: 9) �The baby parades consisted of young mothers strolling up and down the street, in groups, pushing their babies in carriages. The young mothers and their babies were dressed �to kill,� often sporting the latest athletic wear. The baby strollers were the best that money could buy. The higher quality of a young mother�s stroller, the higher status in the baby parade. The young mothers saw the baby parades as an opportunity to engage in �girlfriend talk� and to see and be seen by neighborhood audiences hat were gathered for other purposes.� (Burton 1998: 16) Teen pregnancy� AP (2008) England to require sex ed for kindergarten-age kids. The Salt Lake Tribune October 24th, A20. �But with one of the highest teen pregnancy rates in Europe, the British government is bringing sex education to all school in England�including kindergarten-age children.� (AP/SLTrib 2008: A20) Ventura, Stephanie (2007) Teen, unmarried births on the rise. Washington, D.C.: National Center for Health Statistics, Dec. 5th. Accessed 12/6/2007. Available: http://www.cdc.gov/nchs/pressroom/07newsreleases/teenbirth.htm �The teen birth rate in the United States rose in 2006 for the first time since 1991.� (Ventura 2007: online) �The largest increases were reported for non-Hispanic black teens, whose overall rate rose 5 percent in 2006. The rate rose 2 percent for Hispanic teens, 3 percent for non-Hispanic white teens, and 4 percent for American Indian or Alaska Native teens.� (Ventura 2007: online) �The study also revealed that the percentage of all U.S. births to unmarried mothers increased to 38.5 percent, up from 36.9 percent in 2005.� (Ventura 2007: online) �The percentage of births delivered before 37 weeks of gestation has risen 21 percent since 1990.� (Ventura 2007: online) The low birthweight rate also rose slightly in 2006, from 8.2 percent in 2005 to 8.3 percent in 2006, a 19 percent jump since 1990. �As a result of the increases in the birth rates for women aged 15-44, the total fertility rate �- an estimate of the average number of births that a group of women would have over their lifetimes �- increased 2 percent in 2006 to 2,101 births per 1,000 women. This is the highest rate since 1971 and the first time since then that the rate was above replacement -� the level at which a given generation can replace itself.� (Ventura 2007: online) AP (2008) Teen pregnancy costs U.S. $7.6B a year, study says. The Salt Lake Tribune October 24th, A20. ��The children are more likely to be in foster care, less likely to graduate from high school,� he said. �The daughters are more likely to have teen births themselves, the sons are more likely to be incarcerated. There are more than 400,000 teen births annually in the United States, most of them to unmarried mothers on welfare.� (AP.SLTrib 2008: A20) Hirshman, Linda (2008) Do as We DoSarah Palin's teenage daughter will have a baby. Here's why you may not want yours to do the same. Slate. Accessed: Sept. 2, 2008. Available:##HYPERLINK "/id/2199132/?from=rss"#/id/2199132/?from=rss###�The fact sheets from the well-respected National Campaign To Prevent Teen Pregnancy describe a bleak prospect: Even controlling for social and economic backgrounds, only 40 percent of teenage girls who bear children before age 18 go on to graduate from high school, compared with the 75 percent of teens who do not give birth until ages 20 or 21. Less than 2 percent of mothers who have children before age 18 will earn a college degree by age 30, compared with 9 percent of young women who wait until age 20 or 21 to have children.� (Hirshman 2008: online)##�Overall, teenage mothers�and their children�are also far more likely to live in poverty than females who don't give birth until after age 20. Two-thirds of the families begun by a young unmarried mother are poor. These families are more likely to be on welfare and to require publicly provided health care. Eighty percent of these young mothers do not marry, and they will get almost no support from the fathers, who are usually also poor. After 10 years, 48 percent of marriages by brides under 18 have ended. Only 24 percent of brides married at age 25 or older are so fated.� (Hirshman 2008: online)##�Also, using seven months as a marker for a premarital pregnancy, having a baby within the first seven months of marriage raises the odds of divorce in every ethnic group. Black and Hispanic couples who marry when pregnant are twice as likely to divorce as couples who marry when the bride is not pregnant; non-Hispanic whites are 50 percent more likely to divorce if the bride is pregnant than if they marry before conception. When polled, male teenagers are less supportive of having babies outside of marriage than female teens are. In the one part of the MySpace site about children, the prospective father of Bristol Palin�s Levi Johnston wrote, "I don't want kids."� (Hirshman 2008: online)##�Statistically, the children of teen mothers aren't all that well-off, either. More of their mothers smoke. The babies are more likely to be smaller at birth, suffer higher rates of abuse and neglect, and do poorly in school. They are also likelier to go to prison and to have teen pregnancies themselves, to stay back a grade, to be involved in violence, to go to foster care.� (Hirshman 2008: online) McClam, Erin (2007) Keeping babies alive: Battling an entrenched infant mortality problem in Memphis. The Herald Journal, November 11th, A14. �The U.S. infant mortality rate is just under seven for every 1,000 live births.� (McClam 2007: A14) �In 1990, about 20 black babies died for every 1,000 born in Shelby County, and about 7 white. In 2006, the numbers were little changed: 19 black, seven white.� (McClam 2007: A14) �Premature birth and low birth weight are by far the biggest cause of infant death.� (McClam 2007: A14) �These are the basics. Many young mothers in Memphis are lacking prenatal care and with it they are lacking some of the most basic do�s and don�ts about carrying a child to term.� (McClam 2007: A14) �If you raise your hands over your head your baby will become wrapped in the umbilical cord. If you feel sick, open the medicine cabinet, any bottle will do. Or just as bad: Stay away from everything in the medicine cabinet. �What makes people believe things that have no medical basis?� Taylor says, �It�s been passed down.�� (McClam 2007: A14) �At the moment health leaders in Memphis are placing their faith in a relatively new idea called centering pregnancy,� which gathers about a dozen women with similar due dates and coached them through their pregnancies as a group. Two studies have found the models led women to be better prepared to handle their pregnancies.� (McClam 2007: A14) Loomis, Brandon (2008) A new growth star is born: Utah. Salt Lake Tribune December 23rd,A1, A4. �Census results show Utah lead nation in growth in 2007, 2008. 64% of the growth came from an excess of births over deaths. In spite of the grim forecasts for everything from water shortages to traffic congestion to overcrowded classrooms and the loss of farmland, the State Planning Coordinator says : �We�re pleased.� (Loomis 2008: A4) Adams, Brooke (2008) Child abuse, neglect said widespread in FLDS polygamous sect. The Salt Lake Tribune. December 24th, A13. �Hoping to escape increasing scrutiny and prosecution by authorities, one fundamentalist Mormon community uprooted itself from Southern Utah and moved to an isolated compound�Yearning For Zion Ranch near Eldorado, Texas. But Texas authorities were even less forgiving of the religious group�s pro-natalist practices. In April 2008, authorities raided the sect�s compound and from that point on, TV cameras showed matriarchal figures dressed in the style of frontier farm-wives surrounded by their large broods entering and exiting various government offices as the legal investigation unfolded. In December a report was issued that documented the very high number of girls (12-15 years old) who were bred to community elders and added to polygynous households. The teenaged brides had all borne one or more children at the time the raid was conducted.� (Adams 2008: A13) The Next Transition Once again we see the Dutch concern�the earliest in western civilization�for the child�s quality of life. Vermeulen, Eric (2004). Dealing with doubt: Making decisions in a neonatal ward in The Netherlands. Social Science & Medicine (59): 2071�2085. ��a tendency to share the diagnostic data with parents as soon as possible and there is a certain aversion to keeping children alive who are expected to have handicaps in later life.� (p. 2071) �On the basis of statistics about life chances and handicap rates, treatment for some children is considered futile and cruel.� (p. 2072). �Estimating the future quality of offspring and basing decisions upon this evaluation may be seen as awkward and immoral�. ��It should be a healthy boy who can function in society,�� said a neonatologist to parents. When it became clear that the child could not meet these requirements, they stopped life-prolonging intensive care treatment.� (p. 2083). Livingston, Gretchen and Cohn, D�Vera (2010) The New Demography of American Motherhood. Pew Research Center. May 6, 2010. Online: /pubs/1586/changing-demographic-characteristics-american-mothers The report finds that today's new mothers are older, better educated and more likely to be single than their counterparts two decades ago. A record four-in-ten births (41%) were to unmarried women in 2008, including most births to women in their early 20s. When asked why they decided to have their�child�nearly half (47%) also say, "There wasn't a reason; it just happened." Anonymous (2009) Steep rise in Down's pregnancies. BBC World News America. October 27th. Accessed: October 28th. Available: # HYPERLINK "http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/8327228.stm" ##http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/8327228.stm# �The number of Down�s syndrome pregnancies has increased by more than 70 percent in the last 20 years. Initially physicians, researchers, and educators thought that the number of these types of pregnancies would decrease with the availability of prenatal screening, education, and safer abortions. However that has not been the case. Instead the increase in the number of older women choosing to become pregnant has lead to the increase in Down�s syndrome pregnancies. The risk of giving birth to a baby with Down�s syndrome is one in 940 for a woman aged 30, but the risk increases to one in 85 by age 40.� (anon 2009: online) Brockenbrough, Martha (2009) Bumpaholics: the Belly-Rubbing High. Women�s Health July/August accessed online: /health/pregnancy-perks?page=1 Thanks to the influx of feel-good hormones and fawning from friends and family, having a baby can make you feel like a superstar. The problem: Being addicted to the adoration. Some women may like being pregnant a little too much, often driven to rapidly reproduce out of insecurity, a craving for attention, or feelings of abandonment by their own parents. "Women who are obsessed with being pregnant are literally filling an emptiness inside of them, just as alcoholics and drug addicts use substances to fill a psychological void," says Beverly Hills psychiatrist Carole Lieberman, M. D. Mother Nature prods us by making sex and its aftermath feel amazing. Oxytocin, the so-called "cuddle" hormone that promotes bonding, floods women's bodies during intercourse, pregnancy, childbirth, and breastfeeding. "[Pregnancy] is like a love drug,�� (Brockenbrough 2009: online) My vote for most ironic tale of 2009. Political personality Sarah Palin�s daughter Bristol�arguably the poster child for the failure of abstinence-only sex ed�is now touring as a spokesperson for abstinence-only sex ed! Collins, Gail (2009). Bristol Palin�s new gig: Promoting teenage sexual abstinence. The Salt Lake Tribune, May 9th, A11. ��Iconix, a company that makes the Candie�s line of teen fashions. A couple of years ago, under fire from critics who accused him of dressing high schoolers like tarts, [the owner] established the Candie�s foundation, which fights teen pregnancy. And there he was Wednesday introducing the foundation�s new teen ambassador, Bristol Palin.� (Collins 2009, A11) ��abstinence education is worse than useless. Texas where virtually all the schools teach abstinence and abstinence alone, is a teen pregnancy disaster zone. It�s had one of the highest rates for as long as I can remember,� said David Wiley a professor of health education at Texas State University.� (Collins 2009, A11) Mellon, Ericka (2009) Parenting between classes: With teen moms getting younger, schools offer on-site help. September 7th. Houston Chronicle. Available: # HYPERLINK "/story.php?story=106442592" ##/story.php?story=106442592# �It's lunch time at Lee High School, and several young girls�some with their boyfriends�bring their sandwiches to a classroom loaded with rocking chairs, cribs, books and toys. The Houston campus opened the free day care on site a few years ago to encourage young parents to keep coming to school.� �The offer hooked Tahys Diaz, a junior at Lee who got pregnant at 17 and now has a 1-year-old son named Anthony. Without the child care, Diaz said, she likely would have dropped out of school, just like four of her friends with babies have done. "I would have let him stay in school," Diaz said of her boyfriend and son's father, Emerson Mejicano. "I would have stayed home with the baby." �Most teen moms don't graduate high school, and national statistics show that far fewer�only 2 percent�go on to earn a college degree before age 30.� �Texas has the third-highest teen birth rate in the nation, according to Child Trends' analysis of 2006 federal data. The state awards $10 million a year in grants to school districts to assist teen parents -- to help subsidize daycare, transportation and parenting classes.� �Texas often draws criticism for its approach to sex education, which state law says must "devote more attention to abstinence from sexual activity than to any other behavior." � �Sylvia Cook, who has overseen Cy-Fair's�thinks even more pregnant girls aren't coming forward statewide�.scared off because they have to register the baby's father with the Texas attorney general's office to get state aid. Cook said she'd like to see more sex education in schools. "We're only coming on board and spending millions of dollars to keep the kids in school after the deed is done," she said.�� Child Trends (2009) Facts at a Glance: A fact sheet reporting national, state and city trends in teen childbearing, September. Available: ## HYPERLINK "/Files/Child_Trends-2009_08_31_FG_Edition.pdf" \t "_blank" ##/Files//Child_Trends-2009_08_31_FG_Edition.pdf###�In 2007, the U.S. teen birth rate increased for the second year in a row after a 14-year decline. This brief report provides the most recent teen birth data for 73 of the largest cities in the U.S.� Morgan, Lynn M., and Roberts, Elizabeth FS (2009). Rights and reproduction in Latin America. Anthropology News, 50(3): 12. �Over the past decade, constitutional, civil and legislative actors have intensified reproductive regulation throughout the region, coalescing around abortion, contraception, sterilization and assisted reproductive technologies�The shifts in this complex landscape can be analyzed through a framework we call �reproductive governance�Argentina, Ecuador, El Salvador and Peru, for example have revised their constitutions and civil codes to push juridical rights back from birth to conception.� (Morgan and Roberts 2009: 12) Pertman, Adam and Cahn, Naomi (2009) Limiting reproduction. The Baltimore Sun, February 25th. Accessed March 15th, 2009. Available: /baltsun/access/1651000821.html?dids=1651000821:1651000821&FMT=ABS&FMTS=ABS:FT&type=current&date=Feb+25%2C+2009&author=Adam+Pertman%3BNaomi+Cahn&pub=The+Sun&desc=LIMITING+REPRODUCTION �The 60-year-old Canadian woman, Ranjit Hayer, now has diabetes and high blood pressure as a result of her pregnancy, which she achieved by traveling to India for in vitro fertilization because Canadian doctors deemed it unethical to treat her.� (Pertman 2009: online) �Is it time for federal and state governments to consider legal rules and boundaries for the fertility industry? suggests that the answer may finally be "yes."� (Pertman 2009: online) Carney, Scott (2009) Meet the parents: The dark side of overseas adoption. Mother Jones. March 9th. Accessed: March 15th, 2009 �A Midwestern kid believes his loving parents adopted him from India. An Indian couple says he is their son, stolen from them by kidnappers when he was a toddler. In between those two families, half a world apart, lies a shadowy exchange in which healthy, attractive children from poverty-stricken countries can become a form of merchandise.� (Carney 2009: online) �So when Sivagama left Subash by the neighborhood pump a few dozen feet from their home, she figured someone would be watching him. And someone was. During her five-minute absence, Indian police say, a man likely dragged the toddler into a three-wheeled auto rickshaw. The next day, Subash was brought to an orphanage on the city's outskirts that paid cash for healthy children�. Under questioning, police say, the men and two female accomplices admitted they'd been snatching kids on behalf of an orphanage, Malaysian Social Services (MSS), which exported the children to unwitting families abroad. The kidnappers were paid 10,000 rupees, about $236, per child�From 1991 through 2003, note documents filed by Chennai police, MSS arranged at least 165 international adoptions, mostly to the United States, the Netherlands, and Australia, earning some $250,000 in "fees."� well-meaning American families never realize they're not adopting a child�they're buying one.� (Carney 2009: online) �In China's Hunan province, a half-dozen orphanages were found to have purchased nearly 1,000 children between 2002 and 2005. As recently as 2008, institutions in the region were purchasing children openly for $300 to $350, many of whom ended up in foreign homes.� (Carney 2009: online) In the book, I cited the case of a woman with a rare and debilitating condition being �miraculously� transformed into a birth mother through the costly, high-tech intervention at the Stanford Medical School. I treated her, in effect, as the poster child for our irresponsible reproductive policies. Well, that woman has been eclipsed as the poster child for our folly. �Octomom,� Nadya Suleman, a 33 year-old, unemployed, unmarried woman in California gave birth in January, 2009 to surgically implanted octuplets. She had previously birthed 6 children via costly ART=Assisted Reproductive Technology procedures� # Dillon, Raquel Maria (2009) Octuplets mom obsessed with having kids, grandma says. The Salt Lake Tribune, February 1st, A12. �The woman who gave birth to octuplets this week at Kaiser Permanente Bellflower Medical Center conceived all 14 of her children through in vitro fertilization. She is not married and has been obsessed with having children since she was a teenager, her mother said.� She was expected to remain in the hospital for at least a few more days, and her newborns for at least a month.� (Dillon 2009: A12) �While her daughter recovers, Angela Suleman is taking care of the other six children ages 2 through 7.� (Dillon 2009: A12) Associated Press (2009) Make that 14: Octuplet mom already had 6 kids. The Salt Lake Tribune, January 13th, A10. �Arthur Caplan, bioethics chairman at the University of Pennsylvania. He noted the serious and sometimes lethal complication and crushing medical costs that often come with high-multiple births.� (AP/SLTrib 2009: A10) �But Jeffrey Steinberg, who has fertility clinics in Los Angeles, Las Vegas, and New York, countered: �Who am I to say that six is the limit? There are people who like to have big families.�� (AP/SLTrib 2009: A10) Archibold, Randal C. (2009) Octuplets, 6 siblings, and many questions. The Salt Lake Tribune, February 4th, A14. �A bioethicist at the University of Pennsylvania, Arthur L. Caplan said...�I find it a huge ethical failure that she was even accepted as a patient.� (Archibold 2009: A14) �Ms. Suleman�s mother has filed for bankruptcy, claiming $1 million in liabilities, according to court records, and Ms. Suleman, a psychiatric technician at a hospital, stopped working at some point in her pregnancy.� (Archibold 2009: A14) �Howard Bragman, a Hollywood publicist and author of �Where�s My Fifteen Minutes? Get Your Company, Your Cause or Yourself the Recognition You Deserve� wondered if the family would start �using the kids as an A.T.M. machine.� (Archibold 2009: A14) Graff, E.J. (2008) The lie we love. Foreign Policy. November/December # HYPERLINK "/story/cms.php?story_id=4508" ##/story/cms.php?story_id=4508# Accessed 1/18/09 UNICEF�s �millions of orphans� are not healthy babies doomed to institutional misery unless Westerners adopt and save them. Rather, they are mostly older children living with extended families who need financial support.� (Graff 2008: online) �The exception is China, where the country�s three-decades-old one-child policy, now being loosened, has created an unprecedented number of girls available for adoption. But even this flow of daughters is finite; China has far more hopeful foreigners looking to adopt a child than it has orphans it is willing to send overseas. In 2005, foreign parents adopted nearly 14,500 Chinese children. That was far fewer than the number of Westerners who wanted to adopt; adoption agencies report many more clients waiting in line. And taking those children home has gotten harder; in 2007, China�s central adoption authority sharply reduced the number of children sent abroad, possibly because of the country�s growing sex imbalance, declining poverty, and scandals involving child trafficking for foreign adoption. Prospective foreign parents today are strictly judged by their age, marital history, family size, income, health, and even weight. That means that if you are single, gay, fat, old, less than well off, too often divorced, too recently married, taking antidepressants, or already have four children, China will turn you away. Even those allowed a spot in line are being told they might wait three to four years before they bring home a child. That has led many prospective parents to shop around for a country that puts fewer barriers between them and their children�as if every country were China, but with fewer onerous regulations.� (Graff 2008: online) �Guatemala is a perfect case study of how international adoption has become a demand-driven business,� says Kelley McCreery Bunkers, a former consultant with UNICEF Guatemala. The country�s adoption process was �an industry developed to meet the needs of adoptive families in developed countries, specifically the United States.� (Graff 2008: online) Contra �hooking up�� Lindberg, Laura Duberstein, Jones, Rachel, and Santelli, John S. (2008) Non-coital sexual activities among adolescents. Journal of Adolescent Health, 42(7): 44-45. #With the increasing emphasis on abstinence the perception was that adolescents where engaging in oral sex to preserve their virginity. Lindberg's research indicates otherwise; those who engage in vaginal intercourse also engage in oral sex and anal sex at around the same time. #"�54% of adolescent females and 55% of adolescent males have ever had oral sex, and one in 10 has ever had anal sex. Both oral sex and anal sex were much more common among adolescents who had initiated vaginal sex as compared to virgins. The initiations of vaginal and oral sex appear to occur closely together; by 6 months after first vaginal intercourse, 82% of adolescents also engaged in oral sex. White and higher SES teens were more likely than their peers to have ever had oral or anal sex.� (Lindberg 2008: abstract) Olivero, Helena (2008) Marriage contest has hitch: No sex. The Atlanta Journal-Constitution, October 23rd Accessed 12/18/2008. #HYPERLINK "/services/content/news/stories/2008/10/23/weddinggift.html"#/services/content/news/stories/2008/10/23/weddinggift.html# �Report that there are no takers for the �Marriage for a Lifetime� contest that would pay $10,000 to a couple who were: a. intending to marry and b. willing to forswear sex before marriage. Beside the $10k prize, there were a host of other goodies to sweeten the deal. The contest is funded from a .5 million dollar federal grant to 3 Atlanta area counties to implement an abstinence-only sex education program.� (Olivero 2008: online) This outcome could have been predicted from studies which have consistently shown abstinence-only programs to be ineffective� Stein, Rob (2008) Teen abstinence pledges largely ineffective. The Salt Lake Tribune. December 30th, A5. Report in Jan �09 Pediatrics by Janet E. Rosenbaum Large federal survey shows abstinence pledge programs do NOT reduce teen sexual activity but DO reduce the use of safe methods to prevent pregnancy and STDs. On the other hand, while society at large and many taxpayers may be appalled by the social and economic consequences of unprotected sex among teens, a significant segment of US society, including many parents of pregnant teens, such as aspirant president Sarah Palin, seem unconcerned. The following article summarizes the politco-religious background of those who share Palin�s views� #Talbot, Margaret (2008) Red sex, blue sex. The New Yorker, November 3rd, 64-69. Divide in U.S. culture. The Religious Right�s opposition to contraception and abortion, and encouragement of child-bearing and early marriage has led to higher rates of divorce, teen pregnancy, STDs and problematic births� �Social liberals in the country�s �blue states� tend to support sex education and are not particularly troubled by the idea that many teen-agers have sex before marriage, but would regard a teen-age daughter�s pregnancy as devastating news. [Contrast with] social conservatives in �red states� [who] generally advocate abstinence-only education and denounce sex before marriage, but are relatively unruffled if a teen-ager becomes pregnant, as long as she doesn�t choose to have an abortion.� (Talbot 2008:64) �On average, white evangelical Protestants make their �sexual d�but��to use the festive term of social science researchers�shortly after turn (p. 64)ing sixteen. Among major religious groups, only black Protestants begin having sex earlier.� ((Talbot 2008:65) �Evangelical Protestant teen-agers are significantly less likely than other groups to use contraception.� (Talbot 2008:65) ��Silver Ring Thing. Sometimes, they make their vows at big rallies featuring Christian pop stars and laser light shows, or at purity balls, where girls in frothy dresses exchange rings with their fathers, who vow to help them remain virgins until the day they marry. More than half of those who take such pledges�which, unlike abstinence-only classes in public schools, are explicitly Christian�end up having sex before marriage, and not usually with their future spouse.� (Talbot 2008:65) �Communities with high rates of pledging also have high rates of S.T.D.s.� (Talbot 2008:65) �In 2004, the states with the highest divorce rates were Nevada, Arkansas, Wyoming, Idaho, and West Virginia (all red states in the 2004 election); those with the lowest were Illinois, Massachusetts, Iowa, Minnesota, and New Jersey.� (Talbot 2008: 67) � The five states with the lowest median age at marriage are Utah, Oklahoma, Idaho, Arkansas, and Kentucky, all red states, while those with the highest are all blue: Massachusetts, New York, Rhode Island, Connecticut, and New Jersey. The red-state model puts couples at greater risk for divorce; women who marry before their mid-twenties are significantly more likely to divorce then those who marry later. And younger couples are more likely to be contending with two of the biggest stressors on a marriage: financial struggles and the birth of a baby before or soon after, the wedding.� (Talbot 2008:67) Dolnick, Sam (2008) Birth is latest job to be outsourced in India. The Salt Lake Tribune, December 31st, A6. �A team of maids, cooks, and doctors looks after the women, whose pregnancies would be unusual anywhere else but are common here. The young mothers of Anand, a place famous for its milk, are pregnant with the children of infertile couples from around the world�More than 50 women in this city are now pregnant with the children of couples from the United States, Taiwan, Britain and beyond�The women earn more than many could make in 15 years�[offering their] �wombs for rent�� (Dolnick 2008: A6) a la carte�women electing to carry their child but not deliver: Spak, Kara (2008) Preemie Puzzle: Federal study probes spike in early births�pre-term babies can face lifelong challenges. The Chicago Sun-Times, June 17th, p. 6. �In the last 20 years a steady increase in pre-term births has lead to an alarming result of one in eight babies born too early. �A full-term pregnancy lasts from 38 to 42 weeks. Babies born before completion of week 37 are premature, and it is those born before 32 weeks who, despite advances in the neonatal ICU, are most likely to die or suffer devastating disabilities, such as cerebral palsy or retardation.� (Spak 2008: 6) �Evidence is growing that pre-term births��those that occur between 34 and 37 weeks� may be due to unnecessary Caesarean sections� A study conducted by the March of Dimes and the federal Centers for Disease Control and Prevention point to a connection between the rise in pre-term births and the increase of Caesarean sections.� (Spak 2008: 6) Johnson, Carla K. (2008) Preemies face risks in later life. The Salt Lake Tribune, March 26th, A9. �U.S. rates of premature births climbed steadily during the past two decades, reaching an estimated 12.8 percent of births in 2006, government figures show. More than 540,000 babies were born premature that year. Fertility treatments that result in multiple births and older mothers contributed to the rise�.In the United States, there is an epidemic of preterm birth, and prevention is absolutely critical�As expected, babies born early were more likely to die during the first year of life compared to babies born at term. Surprisingly their increased risk of death persisted as they aged.� (Johnson 2008: A9) Laurance, Jeremy (2008) Down's Syndrome - the baby clock. Belfast Telegraph, Dec. 1st, Accessed Dec 2nd, 2008. http://www.belfasttelegraph.co.uk/opinion/downs-syndrome--the-baby-clock-14087757.html �The risk of a Down's syndrome pregnancy is 16 times greater in a mother over 40 than in one aged 25.� (Laurance 2008: online) Why Russian children aren't adopted by childless Russians� Fujimura, Clementine K. (2005) Russia�s Abandoned Children: An Intimate Understanding. Westport, CT: Praeger. �The Russian Children�s fund estimated in 2001 that approximately 2.5 million children were living on Russia�s urban streets and 250,000 were surviving in Moscow alone�113,000 children in Russia have been abandoned to the state each year since 1996.� (Fujimura 2005: 5) �The Russian public views orphans as a threat. Rather than helpless victims, the children are seen as hopeless cases who threaten the well-being of society�Russians also believe that the purity and innocence are not (Fujimura 2005:16) automatically conferred upon every child. Those traits depend on the purity of the child�s parents. �Just look at the adults who abandon their children or who have them taken away!� One caretaker exclaimed. �How can the child be different? She has their blood.� Many Russians believe that orphans are inherently different from children who have homes. Neurologically they are wired differently, according to the caretakers of one home, because they have not received the same love and attention that a �normal� child receives from his or her mother�This concept of the worthlessness of an orphan is one reason few Russians adopt children�Once a couple has adopted a child, the family will often move to another city so that no one will find out that the child was an orphan.� (Fujimura 2005: 17) Garrels, Anne (2008) Russian attitudes colder toward foreign adoptions. NPR Morning Edition, December 17th Accessed 12/17/08 #HYPERLINK "/templates/story/story.php?storyId=98360183"#/templates/story/story.php?storyId=98360183# �Russian attitudes changing. Gov�t making significant increases in investments in abandoned children, encouraging domestic adoption, improving conditions in orphanages, funding foster care, providing subsidies for extended family members who care for abandoned kin. And the rate of foreign adoptions has dropped dramatically from 6000 in 2004 to 1600 in 2008.And perhaps the stigma has been lessened as well.� (Garrels 2008: online) �Parents no longer feel they have to hide the fact that a child was adopted," she says. "My sister adopted a 3-year-old and we don't hide that fact." (Garrels 2008: online) Geraci, Charles (2009). Guilty pleas expected in adoption case. The Herald Journal, December 10th, A3. �Scott and Karen Banks, former operators of the Wellsville-based adoption agency Focus on Children, are expected to enter guilty pleas related to a criminal adoption fraud case involving Samoan children.� (Geraci 2009: A3) �According to the indictment, parents in Samoa were duped into giving up their children under the promise that they would receive an American education, return to the country at age 18, and remain in contact with their birth parents. Adoptive parents in the United States reportedly were told they were adopting orphans living in dire conditions.� (Geraci 2009: A3) Graff, E. J. (2009) International adoption rife with corruption. The Salt Lake Tribune. January 17th, 2009. Available: /pqdweb?index=1&did=1627423571&SrchMode=1&sid=1&Fmt=3&VInst=PROD&VType=PQD&RQT=309&VName=PQD&TS=1250787956&clientId=1652#indexing �Who wants to buy a baby? Certainly not most people who try to adopt internationally. And yet too often that's how their dollars and euros are being used. The idea that the developing world has millions of healthy infants and toddlers in need of new homes is a myth. In poor countries as in rich ones, healthy babies are rarely abandoned or relinquished -- except in China, with its one-child policy. The vast majority of children who need adoption are older, sick, disabled or traumatized. But most Westerners waiting in line are looking for healthy infants or toddlers to take home. The result is a gap between supply and demand -- a gap that can be closed by Western money. In some countries, Western cash has induced locals to buy or kidnap children or defraud or coerce their families into giving them up, strip the children of their identities and transform them into orphans for Western adoption. In 2008, Vietnam stopped adoptions to the United States because of these concerns.� (Graff 2009: online) Graff, E.J. (2008) The lie we love. Foreign Policy. November/December. Accessed: January 8th, 2009. Avaikable: # HYPERLINK "/story/cms.php?story_id=4508" ##/story/cms.php?story_id=4508# UNICEF�s �millions of orphans� are not healthy babies doomed to institutional misery unless Westerners adopt and save them. Rather, they are mostly older children living with extended families who need financial support.� (Graff 2008: online) �The exception is China, where the country�s three-decades-old one-child policy, now being loosened, has created an unprecedented number of girls available for adoption. But even this flow of daughters is finite; China has far more hopeful foreigners looking to adopt a child than it has orphans it is willing to send overseas. In 2005, foreign parents adopted nearly 14,500 Chinese children. That was far fewer than the number of Westerners who wanted to adopt; adoption agencies report many more clients waiting in line. And taking those children home has gotten harder; in 2007, China�s central adoption authority sharply reduced the number of children sent abroad, possibly because of the country�s growing sex imbalance, declining poverty, and scandals involving child trafficking for foreign adoption. Prospective foreign parents today are strictly judged by their age, marital history, family size, income, health, and even weight. That means that if you are single, gay, fat, old, less than well off, too often divorced, too recently married, taking antidepressants, or already have four children, China will turn you away. Even those allowed a spot in line are being told they might wait three to four years before they bring home a child. That has led many prospective parents to shop around for a country that puts fewer barriers between them and their children�as if every country were China, but with fewer onerous regulations.� (Graff 2008: online) �Guatemala is a perfect case study of how international adoption has become a demand-driven business,� says Kelley McCreery Bunkers, a former consultant with UNICEF Guatemala. The country�s adoption process was �an industry developed to meet the needs of adoptive families in developed countries, specifically the United States.� (Graff 2008: online) Chapter Three: A Child�s Worth Introduction Barley, Nigel (1983/2000) The Innocent Anthropologist: Notes from a Mud Hut. Long Grove, IL: Waveland. Research assistant �In accordance with African notions of status, he regarded me as someone who had to be carefully screened from contact with the common herd. It was all right for me to speak to chiefs or magicians but I should not waste my time with foolish commoners or women. He was frankly horrified that I talked to children.� (Barley 1983/2000: 61) Del Giudice, Marco and Belsky, Jay (in press) The development of life history strategies: Toward a multi-stage theory. in D. M. Buss and P.H. Hawley (Eds.), The Evolution of Personality and Individual Differences. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press Argue that parents act as mediators or barometers of the environment (stability, resource availability) for their offspring. Insecure attachment and inter-familial stress are seen to reflect cultural and environmental instability and potential scarcity. Hence when the child encounters these negative signals they prime him/her to adopt a survivalist strategy in which they reproduce early and often, anticipating both a short life-span and uncertainty re their likely ability to fully nurture their offspring. �Parental sensitivity, acceptance/rejection, and familial stress are significant determinants of attachment patterns in infants and children. The (Del Guidice in press: 8) general dimension of attachment security is then well suited to act as a �summary� of the quality and quantity of caregiving received by the child�Closely linked to the stress response system, the attachment system regulates the child�s feelings of distress, pain, fear, and loneliness; and while attachment security can change during the individual�s lifetime, it shows a prototype-like dynamic in which early security/insecurity (established in the first few years of life) can continue to affect behavior into adulthood.� (Del Guidice in press: 9) These activities provide a kind of testing ground for juveniles to try out different strategies to position themselves for favorable mating opportunities. �With the juvenile transition (which takes place around 6-8 years in industrialized societies), children dramatically increase their participation in social activities with peers, and they begin to effectively compete for place in dominance hierarchies and for ranking as socially attractive individuals.� (Del Guidice in press: 12) Argues that the juvenile transition or middle childhood is a switching point in the life course where individuals take readings from the environment to determine possible alternative reproductive strategies. It is a period where some degree of experimentation is undertaken to evaluate and revise if necessary personal strategies for insuring fitness. ��human juvenility (i.e., middle childhood) provides an assessment period before the actual onset of mating and reproduction; such an assessment period may be crucial for appraising the likely success of a chosen strategy, prompting strategic revision in case the strategy is unsuccessful or does not match the child�s social environment. (Del Guidice in press: 13) De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology (pp. 3-23). New York: Free Press. �A number of food taboos had to be observed by children�.We used to say, �Things the old people want to eat, they don�t� want the kids to eat.��(De Laguna 1965: 17) Expensive Little Cherubs Kahneman, Daniel, Krueger, Alan B., Schkade, David A., Schwarz, Norbert, Stone, Arthur A. (2004).�A survey method for characterizing daily life experience: The day reconstruction method. Science 306: 1776-1780. �convenience sample of 1018 employed women�taking care of one�s children ranks just above the least enjoyable [of 16 different] activities [only] working, housework, and commuting [were ranked as less enjoyable]. (p. 1777) Ferraro, Joanne M. (2008) Nefarious Crimes, Contested Justice: Illicit Sex and Infanticide in the Republic of Venice, 1557-1789. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press. Pregnancies resulting from incestuous, adulterous, and otherwise prohibited intercourse almost inevitably lead to child abandonment and infanticide. Landsman, Gail Heidi (2009). Reconstructing Motherhood and Disability in the Age of �Perfect� Babies. New York: Routledge. Middle-class sample �Fully half of those interviewed were full-time homemakers at the time, many describing themselves as having recently left previous employment in order to care for their child�.A wide range of impairments was represented among their children, including mental retardation, cerebral palsy, spina bifida, speech disorders, autism, pervasive developmental disorder, Down syndrome and other genetic disorders, vision and hearing impairments, and malformed or missing limbs.� (Landsman 2009: 7) �The profound injustice of having done �everything right,� or of having followed the experts� advice, and still having a disabled child while other mothers who used drugs or alcohol during pregnancy have normal children, is a common theme in the stories of mothers of disabled infants.� (Landsman 2009:30) �Telling her the story of her three-year-old who was currently hospitalized with leukemia and of her baby with Down syndrome, who had recently died during heart surgery at seven months of age, a mother commented that friends often look at her and wonder how she can do it. She explained that she responds by telling them of her belief in a poem posted on the wall at the Ronald McDonald House (housing out-of-town parents of hospitalized children) that describes how the angels choose which child will go to which parent and ensures that God gives special children to special parents.� (Landsman 2009: 32) �The juxtaposition of the narrator, who planned her pregnancy and/or actively wanted her child, with the image of reckless teenager who carelessly let herself become pregnant and then abused her fetus or child appears repeatedly in the stories of middle-class women. Such women felt that their ability to obtain good medical care and their responsible personal behaviors before and during pregnancy should have protected them from bad birth outcomes; but they also felt that a healthy baby was their moral due, the just consequences of having made the right choices.� (Landsman 2009: 34) �If the fetus is defined as a person, it can hold individual rights equal to that of the pregnant woman in whose body it resides�Indeed, it can be argued that the rights of the fetus have now come to supersede the rights of pregnant women themselves. �American mothers of disabled children have given birth in a context in which the fetus is widely viewed as a potential victim threatened by its mother during pregnancy and in which women are generally held accountable for any damage done to a fetus.� (Landsman 2009: 53) Shon, Mee-Ryong (2002) Korean early childhood education: Colonization and resistance. In Gaile S. Cannella and Joe L. Kincheloe (Eds.), Kidworld: Childhood Studies, Global Perspectives, and Education (pp. 137-160). New York: Peter Lang. �Koreans have viewed the beginning of the child as when a couple initiates family planning. This period includes the preparation for becoming pregnant as well as cautions and prevention during pregnancy.� (Shon, 2002: 139). When a pregnancy occurs, there are many rules and taboos that must be observed to ensure a healthy child and a safe delivery�A renowned proverb that says, �It is more effective to be educated during the ten months of pregnancy rather than the years of education after birth.� Since Koreans have believed that a peaceful mind as well as physical health is essential to being an ideal parent, the temper and characteristic of a child is believed to be decided before contraception�Even embryo and fetus are viewed as (p. 140) already independent human beings that could be enlightened by the physical and psychological practices of the parents.� (Shon, 2002: 141) Pugh, Allison J. (2006). Longing and Belonging: Parents, Children, and Consumer Culture. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �The conversation turns to birthday parties. Tamsin, a second grader with curly brown hair, talks at length to her friends about her upcoming slumber party, her proud, happy voice, hovering over the heads of other children (boys, as well as younger and older girls) presumably not invited. Her mother always has a treasure hunt throughout her house, she announces with anticipation. Every year she thinks up little rhymes as clues, and each girl gets to solve one clue that leads to the location of the next clue, as well as to a small present. �What kind of present?� a friend asks, leaning in with curiosity. Tamsin says that last year the present was Sticky Feet, a small toy that they threw on the ceiling, and she laughed as she described the air thick with flying Sticky Feet. The year before, the presents were Slinky Toys. �I have two dogs that are new since the last party,� Tamsin said. �I hope they don�t eat up all the clues.� � Clair [near Tamsin] �pipes up about her own birthday party a few weeks ago. �It was at the Baldium,� she announces, referring to an indoor soccer stadium in nearby Atlanta that offers birthday parties starting at $300 (Pugh 2009: 49). Clair had fifteen guests at the Bladium, helping her celebrate turning seven years old. �I was the worst goalie,� she said smiling ruefully.� (Pugh 2009: 50) �Upper-income parents talked about spending $450 on a five year old�s birthday party, thousands of dollars for a family vacation to Cambodia, and hun-(Pugh 2009: 84)dreds of dollars on Halloween costumes. And the expenses went beyond commodities, to the experiences they worked to ensure their children could have. Schools could command $15,000 for private tuition, summer camps might be $3000-$4000, and they might spend $1000 a month on extracurricular activities like carpentry, dance, soccer, horseback riding or piano lessons.� (Pugh 2009: 85) Compare Kusserow�s Parksiders: ��many understood their children�s desires were linked to their social citizenship at school, their ability to participate and belong, and most thus sought to respond to their children�s desires so that they could stand among their peers. �sought to understand their children as individuals, including their desires, as part of diagnosing their individual strengths and weaknesses�the central task of every upper-income caregiver before commencing on the path of (Pugh 2009: 111) �concerted cultivation.� Plumbing the depths of children�s desire was good parenting.� (Pugh 2009: 112) �Affluent children were nothing if not different. Parents offered long diagnoses of children�s individual traits��Dennis just constitutionally is a very empathic guy. A soft, low-toned buy, and there�s something just�sweet about him. �Donna, an Arrowhead parent, described her son Gavin as needing �constant challenges.� �I just didn�t sense that in the public school system he�d get that,� she said.� (Pugh 2009: 192) �Affluent parents who chose private school often did so after deciding their children required a more individualized educational match for their particular needs and strengths�in other words their differences. �affluent parents were leery of the power of interactional differences�such as what children owned of experiences they could talk about�leery enough to respond to children�s desires, often despite their own ambivalence about spending. Yet at the same time many affluent parents, particularly mothers, felt responsible for searching for and recognizing their children�s psychological and intellectual differences, what we might call �personal differences. In upper-income families, this celebration of �uniqueness� was tied to spending through pathway consumption, just as the fear of interactional differences was linked to spending through commodity consumption.� (Pugh 2009: 193) Han, Sallie (2009) Imagining babies through belly talk. Anthropology News, 50(2): 13.#�#�Talking, reading aloud and singing to the belly are activities that frequently were described to me, and that I occasionally observed, during 15 months of ethnographic research with US middle-class women and men.� (Han 2009: 13)#�#�How belly talk is employed to turn fetuses into people and pregnant women into mothers�� (Han 2009: 13)#�#�Both women and men in my study stressed the significance of belly talk in terms of bonding. Bridget explained: �I read somewhere that by 16 weeks, their hearing is [developing], so as a mother, tell him or stories or just talk to them because they can bond with your voice.� Bonding itself represents both what children need (even in utero) and what expectant parents want to experience.� (Han 2009: 13) URL for Expenditures on Children by Families 2007 from the USDA: #HYPERLINK "da.gov/Publications/CRC/crc2007.pdf"#da.gov/Publications/CRC/crc2007.pdf##Short article about above publication:#Paul, Pamela (2008) Million Dollar Babies. Time. April, 28th, 2008. Accessed: June 16th, 2008. Available: #�"�annual Expenditures on Children by Families report�U.S. Department of Agriculture�latest estimate, a child born in 2007 costs:� $204, 060 to watch over, feed, cart around, educate, and house from birth to the age to 18 a tenfold increase in less than 50 years in 1960 raising a kid cost a mere $25,229� (Paul 2008: online) �Government figures don't take into account, and the onerous repercussions for families nationwide. Take child care:� $1,220 to $3,020 on child care and education during each of the first two years, depending on household income (USDA figures) However: National Association of Child Care Resource and Referral Agencies [NACCRRA] figuresestimates the bill at $4,388 to $14,647 a year In urban areas like New York City, where day care centers are few and overcrowded, parents hire nannies at an average of $31,000�and that's off the books. Taxes, benefits and insurance can run an additional $6,000 a year.� (Paul 2008: online) #�The USDA doesn't include college costs in its estimates.� Most financial advisors urge parents to set aside a minimum of $1,000 per child a month, which alone would nearly double the government's total childrearing estimate." (Paul 2008: online) #�Though housing makes up the largest single cost [in raising a child] across income groups�33% to 37% of total expenses�the estimates do not include mortgage principal payments." (Paul 2008: online) This figure does not include and additional extras like extracurricular activities for the child.#�Nor does the report take into account the myriad other products and services that parents today consider essential to raising a child. �first year baby's gear alone clocks in at $6,300.� (Paul 2008: online)# Paul, Pamela (2008). Parenting Inc.: How We are Sold on $800 Strollers, Fetal Education, Baby Sign Language, Sleep Coaches, Toddler Couture, and diaper Wipe Warmers�and What It Means to Our Children. New York: Henry Holt. Cost of Raising a Child in the United States Increases� �The amount of money it takes to raise a child is increasing. The United States Department of Agriculture�s (USDA) Expenditures on Children by Families, 2007 estimated the annual expenditures on children born in 2007�from birth to 18 years old�by income group, for a two-parent, two-child family (Lino, 2008). In the lowest income group the cost of raising a child can total $196,010, in the middle income group $269,040, and in the highest income group $393,230 (Lino, 2008). �These amounts reflect a tenfold increase in the cost of raising a child in the last 50 years since the department began its annual study in 1960, when raising a kid costs a mere $25,229� (Lino, 2008, p. 1) Obviously, the cost of raising a child has soared (Lino, 2008; Paul, 2008). Ironically, these costs do not include: sending a child to college: a four-year private college at $23,000 per year; a public college $9,008 (Paul, 2008) the cost of childcare: $1,220 to $37,000 each year for the first two years depending on the parent�s income and where the family lives (Paul, 2008: online ) Cost of first year�s equipment: $6,300 not including luxuries (Paul, 2008: online) Lino, Mark (2008). Expenditures on Children by Families, 2007. U.S. Department of Agriculture, Center for Nutrition Policy and Promotion. Miscellaneous Publication No. 1528-2007. Calculating the Costs Maestripieri, Dario (2007) Macachiavellian Intelligence: How Rhesus Macaques and Humans Have Conquered the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Another very successful primate on this planet is a monkey called the rhesus macaque. The rhesus �When offspring have low chances of survival or become too energetically expensive, a switch in the animal brain turns off mother�s love.� (Maestripieri 2007: 113) The value attached to infants in antiquity Finlay, Nyree (2000) Outside of Life: Traditions of Infant Burial in Ireland from Cillin to Cist. World Archaeology, 31(3): 407-422. During the Historic period in Ireland the separate burial of unbaptised infants reused earlier monuments, particularly those with Early Christian associations. These cillini (children's burial grounds) were frequently situated in marginal locations (p. 407) Children's burial grounds are marked on the first edition Ordnance Survey maps of Ireland, dating from the mid- nineteenth century, and sites can be identified from their place-name elements, as well as from the visible archaeological remains of small grave markers. The tradition of separate burial was extended to other categories of individual, especially those who deviated from the norm, either by virtue of their different life history or, more frequently, by the nature of their death. Categories of individual for whom separate burial would be appropriate include stillbirths, cases of suicide such as that referenced in the opening quotation, shipwrecked sailors, unrepentant murderers and their victims, strangers and those with different religious beliefs (p. 409). There is a rich folklore concerning 'dead child' traditions of changelings and child murderesses in Ireland. These often have known associations with particular cilli'ni and other site types, for example, ringforts with fairies. In such instances the type of monument is active in creating and transforming the mythological landscape of which the cilli'n became a part (p. 412). Folklore evidence and testimony on the use of sites confirms the discreet nature of the burial [which] would take place at night with little or no ceremony (p. 413) Kleijueqgt, Marc (2009) Ancient Mediterranean World, Childhood and Adolescence In. In Shweder, Richard A., et al (Eds.), The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion. (pp 54-56). Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. �The conceptualization of childhood in the ancient world was overwhelmingly negative. In Greece, it was quite common to see infants as being very close to the animal rather than the human world because of their lack of thought and speech. In Rome, the small child was characterized as �being unable to speak��for this is what the term infans, from which the word infant is derived, means.� (Kleijueqgt 2009: 55) Maestripieri, Dario (2007) Macachiavellian Intelligence: How Rhesus Macaques and Humans Have Conquered the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Another very successful primate on this planet is a monkey called the rhesus macaque. The rhesus �When offspring have low chances of survival or become too energetically expensive, a switch in the animal brain turns off mother�s love.� (Maestripieri 2007: 113) Panter-Brick, Catherine (1997) Women�s work and energetics: A case study from Nepal. In Mary Ellen Morbeck, Alison Galloway and Adrienne Zihlman (Eds) The Evolving Female: A Life History Perspective. (Pp. 234-241) Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. Tamang culture. Women intensively involved in agriculture. They carry their nursing babies with them to the fields but leave weanlings behind in the village by themselves. Consequently the weanlings enjoy poor nutrition and their mortality is relatively high. Child mortality is mitigated to some degree by the long period of nursing and lengthy inter-birth intervals which reduces the rate of infant mortality. ��mothers cease to nurse 3-year-olds during the monsoon, leaving them behind to accelerate the process of weaning, or to facilitate journeys to the fields, which are made more difficult by the rains. These children stay by themselves from dawn to dusk until adults return from the fields. They eat leftover food, which is easily contaminated by bacteria under conditions of high temperatures and humidity. In terms of nutritional status, 3-to 6-year-olds are the most vulnerable age group.� (p. 239) Stasch, Rupert (2009) Society of Others: Kinship and Mourning in a West Papuan Place. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Forest forager/horticulturalists: �Korowai people of West Papua�.live dispersed across several hundred square miles of lowland tropical forest.� (Stasch 2009: i=1) �Much like the social experience of city dwellers in industrial, mass-mediated societies, Korowai lives are dominated by the perception that their society consists of large numbers of unreliable, largely anonymous others. Often these others are referred to generically by such labels as �strangers,� �far away people,� or �angry people.�� (Stasch 2009: 2) �Most Korowai houses stand with their floors fifteen feet above the ground, supported by topped tree trunks. This remarkable architecture is itself a gesture of separation, dramatically setting domestic space apart from the surrounding world. Even more impressive than houses� height, though, is the distance between them. Korowai build their houses standing alone or in pairs, often about a mile from the next occupied house clearing. Korowai explain residential dispersion, and the land ownership system that organizes it, as a method of maintaining autonomy and equality. By living apart on separately owned land, people avoid getting in the way of one another�s activities or being subject to other people�s political control.� (Stasch 2009: 4) �Korowai build their dwellings high above the ground for many reasons, but the most prominent is that they fear attacks by two categories of (Stasch 2009: 4) monsters: the �demons� that humans become after death and the �witches� within the Korowai population thought to cause all deaths. People organize many aspects of their daily lives around trying to stay separated from these monsters.� (Stasch 2009: 6) �Korowai frequently describe their overall kinship lives as boiling down to the fact that people are certain to die and that there is an imperative that they be replaced by children.� (Stasch 2009: 140) �There are two simultaneous poles in Korowai relations to newborns: a pole of care, hope, and positive evaluation and a pole of indifference, fear, and dislike.(p. 149)A significant fraction of newborn children were asphyxiated right after birth. Male and female newborns were killed in equal proportions�The main motives for infanticide that I explore are judgments that birth processes and newborns� bodies are repulsive, classification of newborns as nonhuman, an explicit view that attachment to children arises only through social interaction, pessimism about the world into which children are born, and hostility to the hardships of caring for a child.� (Stasch 2009: 150) �Out of fear of substances that flow or waft from mother and child�s bodies for some days after birth, the two ideally live apart from their main household during this time, the woman sitting over a pollution-catching container fitted into the floor of her temporary shelter. The physical layout of delivery meant that in the past when Korowai killed and buried a newborn rather than caring for it, they could do so without touching it. It was a mother herself, or sometimes her attendant, who carried out infanticide, by poking leaves into the newborn�s throat with a stick while it still lay in the hole into which the mother had delivered it.� (Stasch 2009: 151) �They did not consider infanticide itself an immoral act. The basic reason for this was the newborns are categorized as inhuman. Consistent with the perception that birth processes are repulsive and dangerous, Korowai say that a newborn is �demonic� (laleo) rather than �human� (yanop). People explain this categorization by noting that a newborn�s skin is uncannily pale, that newborns are torpid, and that their bodies are generally freakish.� (Stasch 2009: 151) �Everyone dislikes talking about pregnancy, and people�s overt statements about actual events of delivery are generally ones of anxiety, pain, and repugnance.� (Stasch 2009: 157) �A life stage of taking care of children is known as a time of immobility.� (Stasch 2009: 160) The Janus attitude towards infants carries over to toddlerhood: �For Korowai, children epitomize lack and desire. Terms such as �Famine,� �Hungry,� and �Wanting Sego� are popular children�s names. (Other names such as Himself Alone or Houseless focus on lack of kin). A child is a person in a state of pronounced want, dependent on others for well-being.� (Stasch 2009: 168) �Parents and other adults take great pleasure in providing food for children and in having children�s company in houses or on the land. They value the physical feel and sight of children�s bodies and motions, and they value acts of mutual give-and-take with child partners.� (Stasch 2009: 141) �Korowai take great interest in observing children�s acquisition of bodily and expressive abilities. Stages of childhood are measured not in calendric units but in actions. Does an infant see other people and smile in response? Does it climb up a house ladder pole, protected by a parents climbing at the same time? Does a child walk around by itself? Does a boy play with a toy bow and arrows, or a girl with a toy sago-pounding hammer?� (Stasch 2009: 143) ��Children�s purpose is later on they will provide food, make houses, and perform at feasts.� A boy is raised �so that he gets big, kills pigs, dams streams, digs pitfall traps, and carves bows and arrows. [He�s] for provisions [folaum]...A daughter is to cut firewood, pound sago, cook sago, and install clay in a hearth [when a house has been newly constructed].� Through such statements adults express an expectation of pleasurably consuming the bounty of a grown child�s work.� (Stasch 2009: 143) The Value Attached to Infants in Antiquity Becker, Marshall Joseph (2007) Childhood among the Etruscans; Mortuary Programs at Tarquinia as indicators of the Transition to Adult Status. Pp. 281-292. In Cohen, A. and Rutter, J. (Eds.), Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy. (Hesperia Supplement 410. Athens: American School of Classical Studies at Athens. An analysis of Etruscan child burials in Tarquinia enables one to conclude that the absence of children below the age of 5.5 years from the principal cemeteries was suggestive of a major shift at that age (Becker 2007, 292). Lebegyiv, Judit (2009) Phases of childhood in early Mycenaean Greece. Childhood in the Past, 2: 15-32. In Roman Britain infants below six months of age were usually buried within settlements, while children older than six months of age were interred in cemeteries together with adults.� (Lebegyiv 2009: 16) �Phases of Childhood in Early Mycenaean Greece. Infants of less than one years of age were differentiated by their total exclusion from organized extramural cemetery areas and by the absence of complete vases in their graves. � Children of between 1-2 and 5-6 year s of age were still only included in formal extramural cemeteries in exceptional cases and wee not buried in complex grave types, such as shaft graves and built-cists. � Children older than 5-6 years of age were buried in greater numbers in formal, organized cemeteries and, among the grave goods of some burials, objects usually associated with adults are also resent (pins finger rings). Moreover, children of the elite were further differentiated by burial in complex grave types and by the lavish deposition of grave goods compromising several high-status objects (weapons, gold ornaments) comparable in size and quality to those found with adults.� (Lebegyiv 2009: 27) Cunningham, Hugh (1995) Children and Childhood in Western Society since 1500. New York: Longman. [tender parental love for children] thought the Archbishop of Florence in the mid-fifteenth century, was leading to a situation where parents �because of disordered love for their children, earn damnation! Oh how many are they, who serve their children like idols! �� (Cunningham 1995: 38) 17th-19th centuries. �Both abandonment and wet-nursing were associated with high mortality levels, sometimes in the case of abandonment to the point where nine out of every ten babies died before they reached their first birthday. What caused these levels of abandonment and wet-nursing? There is considerable evidence that they were associated with poverty�There is no doubt also that the increase in abandonment was associated with an increase in illegitimacy.� (Cunningham 1995: 93) #�Although they died in such numbers, children constituted a much higher proportion of the population than they did in the twentieth century. Somewhere between one-third and one-half of the total population were likely to be under fifteen. In any society before the twentieth century there were, as [a writer] expressed it, �crowds and crowds of little children��A third feature of the demographic structure of these centuries which distinguishes them sharply from the twentieth century is that many children could expect one or both of their parents to die before they themselves reached adulthood.� (Cunningham 1995: 96) Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �Children in medieval England, like their elders, were normally buried in churchyards beneath shallow mounds. The mounds had no permanence or lasting memorials, because the ground was constantly re-used for burials, especially in towns�Burial inside churches was restricted to adults and children of rank.� (Orme 2003: 120) Lawler, Andrew (2009) Bodies of Evidence in Southeast Asia, 2009. Smithsonian News. 17 March 17th. Accessed: March 23, 2009. Available: #HYPERLINK "/history-archaeology/Digs-Bodies-of-Evidence.html?c=y&page=2"##/history-archaeology/Digs-Bodies-of-Evidence.html?c=y&page=2## �Higham says the ancient 30-acre settlement at Ban Non Wat [Thailand] is an "extraordinary find." Thanks to the highly alkaline soil in this area, which leaves bone intact, he has uncovered a well-preserved cemetery that spans a thousand years�from Neolithic times (1750 to 1100 B.C.) through the Bronze Age (1000 to 420 B.C.) and Iron Age (420 B.C. to A.D. 500). The graves are yielding rare insights into the pre-Angkor life of mainland Southeast Asia.� (Lawler 2009: online) �A Bronze Age skeleton with 60 shell bangles and an infant surrounded by a wealth of pots and beads. Other graves clearly held high-status individuals, as shown by the tremendous effort that went into the burials; they were deep, with wooden coffins and elaborate offerings such as rare bronzes. The findings, Higham says, indicate that a social hierarchy was in place by the Bronze Age. Moreover, the remains of rice and pig bones, Higham says, "are evidence of ritual feasting, and an elaborate and highly formalized burial tradition." (Lawler 2009: online) �At another nearby site, called Noen U-Loke, detailed analysis of bones found among 127 graves suggests high rates of infant mortality. One of the more poignant finds was the remains of a child who likely suffered from cerebral palsy and was adorned with ivory bangles��(Lawler 2009: online) McCafferty, Geoffery G. and McCaffery, Sharisee D. (2006) Boys and girls interrupted: Mortuary evidence of children from postclassical Cholula, Puebla. In Traci Adren and Scott R. Hutson (Eds.), The Social Experience of Childhood in Ancient Mesoamerica. Pp. 25-82. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado Press. �In comparing sub-adults� grave goods with those of adults, Children and Juveniles were less often accompanied by offerings�� (McCafferty 2006: 42) King, Stacie M. (2006) The making of age in ancient coastal Oaxaca. In Traci Adren and Scott R. Hutson (Eds.), The Social Experience of Childhood in Ancient Mesoamerica. Pp. 169-200. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado Press. �The lower Rio Verde valley of coastal Oaxaca�� (King 2006: 170) �The lack of individuals less than seventeen years of age buried beneath house floors may mean that these children were not yet considered full members of particular families, houses, or perhaps even the community.� (King 2006: 185) My colleague Aaron Denham (personal communication 1/30/09) has called my attention to excavations of the Apothetai, a pit where Spartans supposedly disposed of defective infants, that failed to find evidence of such a practice� Heywood, Colin (2001) A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. ��A pregnant woman has one foot in the grave� according to a proverb from Gascony.� (Heywood 2001: 58) Rawson, Beryl (2003) Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. �Parents sought to represent their children in art and inscriptions: as precocious achievers, loved, and dutiful (piisimi).� (Rawson 2003: 20) �If birth was irregular, such as a breech birth, (�feet first�, the Romans said), it was considered a bad omen. When Nero turned out badly, people remembered that he had been born this way.� (Rawson 2003: 103) �If a baby died in its first year, no formal mourning was prescribed�Romans did not consider full mourning appropriate for children under 10 years: between 3 and 10 the mourning period was gradually increased. The young child therefore did not qualify for full recognition of its existence and individuality until the age of 10.� (Rawson 2003: 104) �Within eight days (for girls) or nine (for boys) the infant was thought to have reached a new stage of its existence. One indication of this was its ability to open its eyes and focus them and perceive separate objects and persons. Juno watched over this stage. The end of this stage was associated with the end of the period of greatest danger and pollution, and the ceremony to mark this was the lustratio. On the eve of the lustratio a ceremony was held, which included a vigil in the house to protect the infant[by] driving off evil spirits.� (Rawson 2003: 110) �The bulla (a pendant containing an amulet) had particular significance, as a sign of free birth. It was placed around the child�s neck and was worn until adulthood. For boys, this was until the ceremony of the toga virilis, when the boy exchanged his bordered toga for the white toga of manhood. Evidence for girls wearing the bulla is sparse�The lustratio was the first of many stages along the child�s path to an individual identity. On this day it was given a name (thus the dies lustricus or dies nominis).� (Rawson 2003: 111)�the child not long out of infancy, one �who can repeat words and stand firmly on the ground.� This child is anxious to play with his peers, is quick to anger, and just as quick to change moods (Rawson 2003: 137) �Many factors militated against close and long-lasting relationships between Roman parents and children. Mortality rates were a major factor, reducing the chances of parents and child developing their relationship together over a period of fourteen or more years.� (Rawson 2003: 220)�In any Roman family, the number of siblings close enough in age to have close interaction was quite low.� (Rawson 2003: 244) Kim, Kwang-Woong (2006) Hyo and parenting in Korea. In Kenneth H. Rubin and Ock Boon Chung (Eds.), Parenting Beliefs, Behaviors, and Parent-Child Relations: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. Pp. 207-222. New York: Psychology Press. �Hyo during the Koryo Dynasty (918 to 1392 CE) explicated �the parents� infinite love of their children� and emphasized children�s devotion to the parents in return�Hyo is completed only when parents and children fulfill their respective roles. It is important to note that parents� benevolence and children�s respect comes unconditionally. Therefore, children�s filial piety is neither conditioned by a father�s benevolence, nor visa versa (p. 208)�In traditional Korea, the principle of stern fatherhood and benevolent motherhood means that a father loves the children but should discipline the children sternly when they behave inadequately. On the other hand, a mother should nurture children when they do well, and also tolerate them and love them even when they behave inadequately.� (Kim 2006: 209) My colleague Aaron Denham (personal communication 1/30/09) has called my attention to excavations of the Apothetai, a pit where Spartans supposedly disposed of defective infants, that failed to find evidence of such a practice. Becker, Marshall Joseph (2007) Childhood among the Etruscans: Mortuary programs at Tarquinia as indicators of the transition to adult status. Cohen, Ada and Rutter, Jeremy B. (Eds.), Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy. (pp. 281-292). Princeton, NJ: The American School of Classical Study at Athens. �In Etruria, and other culture areas, the bodies of perinatals, infants, and even children up to the age of five may be interred in contexts that are removed from the formal cemeteries used for �adults.�� (Becker 2007: 282) �Two points of interest emerge from the data from Tarquinia. First, perinatals are not represented at all. Second, subadults (children 5.5 to 16.5 years of age) are represented in normal numbers as an expected percentage of the total population.� (Becker 2007: 285) Little Angels Stoller, Paul (1989) Fusion of the Worlds: An Ethnography of Possession among the Songhay of Niger. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Chapter 3 very common story. �When she was a child in Filingue, a town some two hundred kilometers east of Tillaberi, Gusabu became ill. She could neither sleep not stand up. Her mother, Ramatu, took her to the Mulsim doctor, but his cures did not help the girl. Them Ramatu took her to the local sohanci, but his remedies did not cure her. Finally, her mother took Busabu to the local zima who said that the spirits possessed the young girl. �If you want your daughter to regain her health,� he said, �she will have to be initiated into our spirit troupe.� She must become a medium. � When Gusabu�s parents had raised enough money, about $140, the zima staged a seven-day festival to welcome Gusabu�s spirit, Serci, to the community.� (Stoller 1989: 45) De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology. Pp. 3-23. New York: Free Press. �Every baby born is the reincarnation of some maternal relative who has died.� (De Laguna 1965: 5) �The resemblance to a dead ancestor, the mother�s dream, the dying relative�s announcement of his intended return, or some other sign, will indicate who the baby really is; the name which he receives confirms and establishes this identity. Many babies are said to recognize the relatives in their former lives, perhaps refusing at first from shyness to suck at their new mother�s breast because she is really a sister or a niece.� (De Laguna 1965: 5) Berrelleza, Juan Alberto Roman and Balderas, Ximena Chavez (2006) The role of children in the ritual practices of the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan and the Great Temple of Tlatelolco. In Traci Adren and Scott R. Hutson (Eds.), The Social Experience of Childhood in Ancient Mesoamerica. Pp. 233-248. Boulder, CO: University of Colorado Press. �Children to (Berrelleza 2006: 238) be sacrificed were richly dressed and taken to the hills where a vigil was kept; if the children cried this was considered a good sign since the tears augured rain.� (Berrelleza 2006: 239) �Offering No. 48 in the Great Temple of Tenochtitlan (Figure 9.5) was found on a small altar in the northwest corner of the temple dedicated to Tlaloc�� (Berrelleza 2006: 240) �Forty-two children were placed inside a rectangular container made of stone blocks�� (Berrelleza 2006: 240) Continue to see press reports from Muslim extremist groups sacrificing children and youth for their holy cause� Associated Press (2009) �Mother� of Iraqi female bomber network arrested. The Salt Lake Tribune, February 4th, A3. �A woman accused of helping recruit dozens of female suicide bombers looked into the camera and described the process: trolling society for likely candidates and then patiently converting the women from troubled souls into deadly attackers.� (AP/SLTrib 2009: A3) ��a plot in which young women were raped and then sent to her for advice.� (AP/SLTrib 2009: A3) ��The Mothers of Believers��said she would try to persuade the victims to become suicide bombers as their only escape from the shame and to reclaim their honor.� (AP/SLTrib 2009: A3) �An Iraqi military spokesman said the suspect had recruited more than 80 women willing to carry out attacks.� (AP/SLTrib 2009: A3) Katz, Phyllis B. (2007) Educating Paula: A proposed curriculum for raising a 4th-century Christian infant. In Cohen, Ada and Rutter, Jeremy B. (Eds.), Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy. Pp. 115-127. Princeton, NJ: The American School of Classical Study at Athens. Destined for a nunnery� �Jerome�s letter 107 describes a curriculum for a child.� (Katz 2007: 116) �While pagans educated their children in preparation for their roles in society as men and women, Christian parents were concerned with their children�s salvation even in their infancy. � The future of the smallest infant was important; a child had to be instructed correctly in the faith from the child�s earliest days.� (Katz 2007: 116) �The childhood proposed by Jerome in Ap. 107 is largely joyless. The little girl is destined for an isolated and regimented upbringing designed to guide her relentlessly toward her preordained life of chastity in a convent�Paula will be taught to read using biblical and theological texts; she will not be exposed to the more traditional school curriculum that included Classical tests.� (Katz 2007: 118) �Jerome clearly states that little Paula represents an offering (hostia) that must be given in as untainted a state as any victim.� (Katz 2007: 120) �Jerome advises the new mother to teach the young Paula to read and write (Ep. 107.4.2-3). �Let boxwood or ivory letters be made for her and let them be called by their own names. Let her play with them in order that her play be learning. � When she takes up the stylus on the wax with a trembling hand, let her tender fingers be ruled by the hand of another placed upon them��� (Katz 2007: 121) # Hamas Fighter with Children, Gaza 1/19/09 Bass, Loreta E. (2004) Child Labor in Sub-Saharan Africa. Boulder, CO: Lynne Rienner. �In Ghana, thousands of girls are enslaved to atone for their families� sins according to the Trokosi tradition. The terms of their servitude are not spelled out, so families may be required to submit girls for servitude over (Bass 2004: 151) several generations. Trokosi girls, some as young as ten, are forced to become physical and sexual slaves of shrine priests to please the gods. Among the Ewe people of northern Ghana�When families were unable to atone for an offense by raising money to buy the prescribed cattle, the shrine priest was offered a virgin daughter for the wrongdoing family�In theory, the Trokosi girls are wives and servants to the gods.� (Bass 2004: 152) �The Ghanaian government passed a law in September 1998 making it illegal to send a child away from home for a religious ritual. � few policemen will act directly against the priests. � An approach that has proved more effective is persuading priests to give up their Trokosi girls in exchange for cattle.� (Bass 2004: 152) Woods, Brian S. (2001) The slave girls of Ghana. New York Law School Journal of Human Rights, 17(3): 875-881. Callimachi, Rukmini (2008) Islamic schools lure African boys into begging. Yahoo News, April 20th. Available: /s/ap/ 20080420/ap_on_re_af/begging_for_islam Accessed April 21st, 2008. �Three years ago, a man wearing a skullcap came to Coli's village in the neighboring country of Guinea-Bissau and asked for him. Coli's parents immediately addressed the man as "Serigne," a term of respect for Muslim leaders on Africa's western coast. Many poor villagers believe that giving a Muslim holy man a child to educate will gain an entire family entrance to paradise.� (Callimach 2009: online) �Middle men trawl for children as far afield as the dunes of Mauritania and the grass-covered huts of Mali. It's become a booming, regional trade that ensnares children as young as 2, who don't know the name of their village or how to return home. One of the largest clusters of Quranic schools lies in the poor, sand-enveloped neighborhoods on either side of the freeway leading into Dakar.� (Callimach 2009: online) �In 2005, Senegal made it a crime punishable by five years in prison to force a child to beg. But the same law makes an exception for children begging for religious reasons. Few dare to cross marabouts for fear of supernatural retaliation.� (Callimach 2009: online) �Children trafficked to work for the benefit of others. Those who lure them into servitude make $15 billion annually, according to the International Labor Organization.� (Callimach 2009: online) �It's big business in Senegal. In the capital of Dakar alone, at least 7,600 child beggars work the streets, according to a study released in February by the ILO, the United Nations Children's Fund and the World Bank. The children collect an average of 300 African francs a day, just 72 cents, reaping their keepers $2 million a year. Most of the boys � 90 percent, the study found � are sent out to beg under the cover of Islam, placing the problem at the complicated intersection of greed and tradition. For among the cruelest facts of Coli's life is that he was not stolen from his family. He was brought to Dakar with their blessing to learn Islam's holy book. In the name of religion, Coli spent two hours a day memorizing verses from the Quran and over nine hours begging to pad the pockets of the man he called his teacher.� (Callimach 2009: online) �It was getting dark. Coli had less than half the 72 cents he was told to bring back. He was afraid. He knew what happened to children who failed to meet their daily quotas.� (Callimach 2009: online) �They were stripped and doused in cold water. The older boys picked them up like hammocks by their ankles and wrists. Then the teacher whipped them with an electrical cord until the cord ate their skin.� (Callimach 2009: online) Barker, Kim (2008) Extremists use religion to recruit young suicide bombers. The Salt Lake Tribune, June 8th, A11. �Kabul, Afghanistan�Sauker Ullah says he agreed to blow himself up in March. He did not know how to drive a car or read a book. His only schooling was four months in a Pakistani Islamic madrassa, where he learned to recite the Holy Quran but not the meaning of the verses. But after only a few promises, he agreed to go across the border to Afghanistan and kill foreign soldiers. Ullah was only 14. The clerics �told me if I did a suicide attack, I would not die,� said Ullah, form Barwan village in North Waziristan�Ullah, who allegedly was arrested in a car full of explosives, spoke to a Chicago Tribune reporter last month in Kabul.� (Barker 2008: A11) Montgomery, Heather (2008). An Introduction to Childhood: Anthropological Perspectives on Children�s Lives. Oxford: Blackwell. �Despite the differences in the descriptions of spirit children, all these societies recognized the preexistence of children in another form. In some instances, spirit children change into �flesh and blood� children in the womb; in others, they metamorphose from frogs, fish, or birds to children at some point during gestation; in other cases, the process happens after birth. There is, however, no separation between spirit children and embodied children; they are part of the same continuum which links the supernatural and the natural world, and the latter cannot be studied without reference to the former.� (Montgomery, 2008:89) �The malevolence and cruelty of spirit children is a recurrent theme in the literature.� (Montgomery, 2008:91) �The ability that children have, in the spirit world to decide when they will die means that the length of time they spend in the world of the living is determined by the child. The high rate of infant mortality is explained by the pact that these children have made with their creator to remain for only a short time with their parents.� (Montgomery, 2008:93) Maiden, Annet Hubbell and Farwell, Edie (1997) The Tibetan Art of Parenting. Boston, MA: Wisdom Publications. �In the Tibetan tradition, it is believed that babies may have special attributes or abilities that adults no longer possess, or that infants may have relations with supernatural elements.� (Maiden 1997: 127) �Until the child is eight ears old it is believed that the child�s mind has a special clarity. Tibetans say that until the age of eight, a child�s consciousness is so fluid and clear that things can come easily into it.� (Maiden 1997: 136) �There are twenty-four spirit disorders listed in all, along with drawings of the types of images that are believed to possess children. Some images are shaped like animals.� (Maiden 1997: 137) �After the child sees these images for awhile, the Tibetans believe that the child begins to think he or she is that image. The child might acquire behavioral characteristics like those he sees in the spirits. This influence may be reflected in the child�s actions, speech, and general behavior.� (Maiden 1997: 137) Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. �An Anglo-Saxon scribe copied the Rule of Chrodegang into Old English, which stated that the adults of the monastery had to keep a strict eye on the children and youths in their care, and to maintain strict discipline, so that �playful youth, which loves to sing� should find no outlet for their exuberance.� (Crawford 1999: 147)�records of saints that beatings may have been a common method of discipline within monasteries, both for adults and children.� (Crawford 1999: 151) Save the Children Adoption and fosterage Maestripieri, Dario (2007) Macachiavellian Intelligence: How Rhesus Macaques and Humans Have Conquered the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Another very successful primate on this planet is a monkey called the rhesus macaque. The rhesus macaque, however, is not one of the smartest primates. �So being smart is not by itself a guarantee of success in this corner of the universe. There are different kinds of intelligence and different ways to use it.� (Maestripieri 2007: 1) �When things are good the day a rhesus female gives birth, the baby is all she has on her mind. That�s all she wants, and she�s willing to do anything to keep it. If you take her baby away and give her a baby that belongs to another female, she will adopt it and raise it as if it were her own. She knows it�s not her baby, but she�ll take it anyway. She wants a baby so badly that someone else�s baby is better than no baby at all.� (Maestripieri 2007: 115) �One major difficulty with baby swapping is being there as quickly as possible after a baby is born. Rhesus females don�t like having babies with people around or when things don�t look right.� (Maestripieri 2007: 115) �The key to successful infant adoption in rhesus macaques, just as with people, is not recognition, but motivation. People adopt children born to other coupes not because they think these children are their own, but because they are highly motivated to have a child.� (Maestripieri 2007: 117) �These spontaneous cases of infant adoption typically happen within a few days after a female has given birth. After that, maternal motivation begins to fade and so does a female�s willingness to adopt a baby.� (Maestripieri 2007: 117) Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Typical for this neglect is the case of seven-year-old Khoday Ram who was orphaned and the son of Zarin�s daughter. He usually stood at a distance from the group of children when they played bijili�a game of marbles played with small vertebrae of goats or sheep. Whenever he stood next to the other children who just watched the game, he was chased away; and when he approached the players obviously hoping to be invited to join them, they simply ignored him. More than once, he was beaten up by boys much smaller than himself.� (Casimir 2010: 42) �His own explanations for his situation can be considered typical for the importance of bonding between brothers. �I�ve nobody here whom I like; I�m poor and have no parents and everybody beats me�.� (Casimir 2010: 43) Hewlett, Barry S. (1991). Demography and childcare in preindustrial societies. Journal of Anthropological Research. 47 : 1-37. �Among the Aka Pygmies, my data show that by the time a child is 11 to 15 years of age s/he has only a 58 percent chance of living with both natural parents, and by the time one selects a spouse, one has only a 29 percent chance of living with both natural parents.� Reviews numerous add�l foraging societies with similar patterns. (p. 19) �Two demographic factors contribute substantially to a high frequency of stepparenting, high adult mortality and high divorce rates. The few ethnographers who have collected divorce data indicate that divorce is common in preindustrial populations.� (p. 20) � there is extensive reproductive variability in traditional populations and that fostering has greater value in traditional populations than in so-called modern populations because it provides a mechanism by which parents with many children can receive assistance from other family members with fewer children to support( this includes grandparents). �(p. 22) Clark, Gracia (1994) Onions are My Husband: Survival and Accumulation by West African Market Women. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Children�s labor is what earns them benefits from fostering, since it is a conspicuous motive for fostering them with senior relatives most likely to reciprocate with substantial material resources. Elderly people need foster grandchildren living with them because sweeping and going on trivial errands themselves would compromise their prestige as valued family elders.� (Clark 1994: 367) Seabrook, John (2010) The Last Babylift: Adopting a child in Haiti. The New Yorker May 10. /reporting/2010/05/10/100510fa_fact_seabrook �Adoption, hitting its peak in 2004, is on the decline in the US. In five years the international adoption rate has plummeted by almost half in the U.S. down from 23,000 in 2004 to 12,753 in 2009. In 2010, the number is likely to be fewer than ten thousand, and by 2013 below seven thousand.� Meanwhile, the number of orphans [according to UNICEF, there are a hundred and sixty-three million, worldwide.] or abandoned children has been growing exponentially� The explanation for this paradox lies in the fact that there have been a number of really egregious cases�of exploitation and corruption, amounting to child trafficking or dumping deeply flawed youngsters on unsuspecting adoptive parents. And, when these cases hit the international media, it is deeply embarrassing to the sending country and they eliminate or severely restrict foreign adoption. Domestic adoption is also down dramatically. In the U.S. in 1970, a hundred and seventy-five thousand newborns were adopted; by 2002, that number had dropped to under seven thousand. This is attributed to a variety of factors, chiefly that single mothers are electing to keep their newborns rather them put them up for adoption�Vice Presidential candidate Sarah Palin�s daughter being a case in point. Leinaweaver, Jessaca B. (2008) The Circulation of Children: Kinship, Adoption, and Morality in Andean Peru. Durham: Duke University Press. Intersection: Peruvian History including recent urban, rural, tradition, and world. ���child circulation� is a concept that I have imposed�for analytic and comparative reasons�on the various local terms and interpretations for children�s mobility.� (p. 3) �I suspect that child circulation has been part of the fabric of Andean lives, both pastoral and agricultural, both rural an urban, for centuries.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 4) �Spanish women living in Peru were expected to raise mestizo �orphans� whose Spanish fathers, concerned with their own lineages and responsibilities to kin, did not want them raised by their Indian mothers�Such children, called criadas or �raised,� were often treated affectionately and well, but many were viewed as servants.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 5) ��compadrazgo, or coparenting..� (p. 5)��conpadrazgo�between relative equals�e.g., asking a neighbor or cousin to sponsor your marriage) and�across class�e.g. the extremely common requests for teachers in small towns to become their pupil�s godparent)�compadrazgo like (p. 7) child circulation is never vertical in the �other direction��the padrinos are always of equal or higher social status than their new compadres. If they are of a higher social status, the child or parents may perform specific chores or labors for the padrinos, and the padrinos may give financial assistance and social guidance to their ahijado�s family.� (p. 8) �Unlike the relations of adoption�where children must be legally severed from their natal families before their incorporation into a new and approved family can take place. �in child circulation two families are brought into, or articulated more deeply into kinship with one another.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 8). �I ended up accepting exactly nine of these offers�not, of course, of children to take home as my own, but of godchildren.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 17) Frequent massacres of villagers 1980-2000. �The horrors of the civil war devastated families and entire communities.� (p. 26) ��those who could moved or sent their children to Ayacucho, fearing death. Community members also took in numerous orphaned children, who are all now grown: in a small agricultural community where children represent current and future laborers, the possibility of losing them to orphanages or adoptions went unconsidered�Animal corrals or caves became hiding places where parents stashed their children when escaping from insurgents or military. Houses or entire towns became just memories, as people were uprooted from homes and families.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 29) �All of this�the detailed analysis of the parents, the legal production of a child for adoption, and the process through which they were matched together and finally made legal made a family�is governed by national law and international conventions binding together Peru, the European country that the new family calls home, and the larger sphere of legal adoptions and children�s rights.� (p. 39) �Producing Adoptable Children� (p. 41) follow(s) a specific process: notify the prosecuting attorney, interview the child about his or her provenance, and have the medical examiner inspect the child for signs of mistreatment (if the exam reveals indication of abuse, a denuncia will be filed against the parent). If the police cannot locate the child�s guardians, they then file a report with the courts describing the child�s moral and material abandonment, and the courts take over from there, interning the child in one of several children�s homes�The investigations take at least six months.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 42) �In 1990, while still embroiled in the civil war described in the previous chapter, Peru was third only to South Korea and Colombia in the number of international adoptees it sent to the United States�But 1992 saw a new adoption law passed by the Peruvian legislature setting forth more stringent regulations, and Peru�s numbers begin to drop�by 1994 the flow of Peruvian adoptees to Europe and North America had been reduced to a trickle.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 52) �During a recent visit to Peru the front pages were splashed with details of the police roundup of a doctor in Lima who convinced women not to abort, then sold their babies to French adoptive couples for a few thousand dollars, smoothing over the illegalities with the help of a corrupt judge.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 56) Contrast Christian Children�s Fund. �Foes of child trafficking object to adoption, and relocations of children more generally, on moral grounds that take strength from economic and social critiques.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 57) �In the orphanage, or puericultorio, children are cultivated. � �puericulture� is the act of raising, grooming, and tending to children (p. 68)�Leaving the orphanage is almost always a difficult and sudden change�Out from under the protective umbrella of the institution, many young adults are faced with real challenges (unplanned pregnancy, homelessness, arrest) that the nuns had deliberately elided.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 69) �Abandonment proceedings produce children who are unlinked from their surroundings, and this single-minded focus on the child�s best interest paints a picture of children as passive beings in need of protection�In sharp contrast, the practice of child circulation is built around the notion of a child as not only thoroughly connected but as an active connector, a valuable resource. Children�s agency is part of the equation: kids �consent� to their own circulation, whether overtly at the time or in retrospect via their own interpretations.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 158) �It�s worth asking why the neoliberal state would want to take on the burden of additional children to care for. Why do the courts go to such great lengths to secure decrees of abandonment, thus producing more (p. 158) wards of the state? The answer, I suggest, lies partly in a co-optation of the �best interest of the child� standpoint so widely accepted in the international sphere. To follow globally agreed-upon guidelines for child protection is one step the Peruvian government may take to perform itself as modern.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 159) Changing meanings of orphan. �Wakcha refers not only to an orphaned child�who in any case would be taken in by kin or community members�but, more poignantly, to someone who has lost all the support of his or her family�during Peru�s dirty war, when tens of thousands of children lost mothers and fathers. Many, most even, followed the traditional path to a relative, including to the baptism godparents whose duty it is to take in orphaned godchildren. But some communities were completely wiped out through massacre and migration, leaving no one to receive a child�Now that those years are beginning to fade into memory, it may be surprising that Ayacucho�s orphanage still stands. But the orphanage has not only failed to close in the post war context; it has veritably bustled and has been joined by ever more children�s homes.�(Leinaweaver 2008: 75) �Acompa�ar, �to accompany,� is how Ayacuchanos describe what happens when a young person goes to live with an older one, in a role somewhere between child of the family and household employee.� (p. 83) �One young woman told me she wanted �as many kids as came�[However] official policies on family planning and ideology of population control have effectively linked lower fertility to modernity�Child circulation becomes potentially a response to population-control policy: a large number of children can be parceled out to kin with fewer children, distributing both the burden of providing for them and the benefits of their company.� (p. 85) �Diana�s mother, terrified of what Shinning Path might do when they couldn�t find her husband and unsure of how to make ends meet, brought her children to the city to live with her sister �[Another] has strategically dispersed her children around the region: the eldest daughter lives in her mother�s house to make sure no one robs it, the second daughter resides permanently with (p. 86) her aunt and uncle, and the only boy works with another uncle in the jungle region.� (p. 87) �Circulated children are not exactly paid for the work they perform, but their school supplies or new clothes may be purchased by adults in the new household, contributing to the idea that this movement can lead to a socio-economic �betterment� that is charted in apparel and education. Furthermore, as Lupe was, they may be given propina, a word that can be translated as �allowance� or �tip��in other words, a small amount of money. This payment situates child circulation in an ambivalent gray area, somewhere between kinship and domestic service, both of which it resembles.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 90) �A newcomer may feel hesitant, afraid to ask for something, unable to just eat whatever she wants or sleep in until noon as she might have done at home. But little by little she �becomes accustomed� and in the process�by quietly comparing what she couldn�t do before to what she now feels comfortable doing�family is formed and reinforced.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 99) �Sarita told me that she moved to Ayacucho from her small community �because of my studies, so I could superarme, in search of la superaci�n� [But] the formal education received in primary and secondary schools in Ayacucho does not automatically lead to life success (p. 116) �superaci�n ideologically grounds child circulation, promoting decisions that open up fields of opportunity and possibility for children as they grow.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 119) �Olivia�s mother, my comadre, described to me what she thought was important to impart to her children: respect first of all, and then to be good, kind, orderly, and industrious. Parents may convey to their children a respectful orientation to the social environment around them� Children must respect adults, above all, and this attitude is admonished, swatted, and even beaten into them.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 124) �Superarse, though worded in terms of self, is clearly a family project, and it is this valence that makes the concept so poignant and meaningful for youth who come to realize that their own potential is often the only possibility through which their entire family can superarse (p. 129) Moving children, for social and economic betterment, is a tactic that requires kinship in order to function�If a domestic servant calls her employer tia or madrina, she is attempting to force a kinship claim. To phrase these ambiguous relationships in the terms of kinship is a strategy which can, on one hand, permit labor exploitation without significant guilt or remuneration�but, on the other, encourage better treatment�Accordingly, children are consciously taught how to address their relatives properly, and bundled into these instructions are definitions of what each relative is and how they should behave.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 141) �Young people (more often young women) who may be working class, indigenous, poor, with peasant parents, relocate to a more noble home inhabited by their upwardly mobile and less indigenous kin�The young and mobile are not always acting of their own accord. A child may claim to want to relocate, but the claim may derive from the sense that her parents want her to have a better life, although she may be perfectly happy in the fields at her parents� side. Or a child may wish to relocate but feel obligated to stay home so that an aging parent will not suffer the pain of loneliness.� (Leinaweaver 2008; 156) Adoption and Fosterage This will be an added section. When we look at traditional societies, we need to distinguish between those experiencing poverty from those experiencing relative plenty. As we saw in Chapter Two, high fertility may exist in either situation. So, too the willingness to accept children�not born to household members�into the family. Motives may be entirely child-centered, they may emphasize the provision of parenting opportunities for those who�re barren, they may reflect a child-rearing philosophy that identifies non-biological parents as more effective than biological parents and they may reflect an investment for the future. Durham, Deborah (2008) Apathy and Agency: The Romance of Agency and Youth in Botswana. In Jennifer Cole, & Deborah Durham (Eds.), Figuring the Future: Globalism and the Temporalities of Children and Youth. Pp. 151-178. Sante Fe: School for Advanced Research Press. Child circulation �Children in Botswana are usually not the ones to choose their residences. From infancy, children are cared for by various older relatives, including siblings (primarily sisters), mothers, aunts, cousins, and more distant female relatives�but especially by grandmothers. (It is not uncommon for children to call their mothers �sisi� or �ausi� [sister] and their grandmothers �mother.�) Grandmothers and the other caregivers are, themselves, often very mobile between village, cattlepost, and city. Villages are the sites of much community social activity and are where schools are located; cattleposts are thought to have more nourishing milk and meat available; and cities have hospitals and income-earning relatives. Children are also moved between these caregivers, going to live with a mother or an uncle in town for a few months, then back to a home village to stay with grandmother, then out to an arable agricultural site or a cattlepost for weeks or months.� (Durham 2008: 168) Danielsson, Bengt (1952) The Happy Island. Lyon, F. H. (trans.). London: George Allen and Unwin. Swedish traveler and his spouse. �Up to the age of two or three the lives of Raroian children differ very little from those of their English and other European contemporaries, except, of course, as already stated, that they are worse cared for. But about this age a great change often takes place for many children. Adoption takes place to an extent quite unknown with us; more than a third of the children can be sure of changing their families before the age of five. Boys are more valued than girls because they always (Danielsson 1952: 119) mean more copra workers, and it is therefore commoner to hand over a girl than a boy. Curiously enough it is not only childless families who adopt; even families who have already four or five children of their own do not hesitate to increase the number by another one or two.� (Danielsson 1952: 120) �For Raroian children there is nothing peculiar and abnormal about this, as they have several papas and mamas from birth. There is no special words for uncle and aunt in the Polynesian language; these relations are called father and mother and are regarded and treated in the same way as the real parents. A few parents more or less, therefore, mean nothing to a Raroian child.� (Danielsson 1952: 121) Koch, Wendy (2009). Struggling families look at adoption. USA Today, May 19th. Accessed May 24th. Available: # HYPERLINK "/news/nation/2009-05-18-mother_N.htm" ##/news/nation/2009-05-18-mother_N.htm# �Renee Siegfort broke the news to her three teenagers on Mother's Day last year: She was pregnant. She really wanted the baby. Her kids did, too. Her on-again, off-again boyfriend of three years did not. "We live simply," says Renee, 36, looking around the living room of her three-bedroom town home. "There wasn't much more we could simplify in our lives." As much as she wanted the baby, she says, "I didn't want to hurt my children." So after giving birth Dec. 30, she nursed Josephine Olivia Renee for six days. She then did something she would not have imagined nine months earlier: She gave her child to another family.� (Koch 2009: online) �As parents struggle to raise children in a weak economy, a half-dozen large adoption agencies are reporting that more women with unplanned pregnancies are considering placing their babies for adoption rather than keeping them. Many of these women are in their 20s and already have at least one child, says Joan Jaeger of The Cradle, the Chicago-area agency that placed Joie. She says 30% more women are inquiring about placing a child for adoption than a year ago. In the past year� a 10% to 12% increase in women inquiring about placing a child for adoption and a 7% to 10% increase in actual placements, as strong demand for healthy infants continues to outstrip the supply.� (Koch 2009: online) �"Finances are one of the major reasons women feel compelled to place their children for adoption," says Adam Pertman of the Evan B. Donaldson Adoption Institute, a research group.� (Koch 2009: online) Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �A man can console himself with the thought that his children�s interests may better be served if he allows them to become the prot�g� of more influential and wealthy men.� (Barnett 1979: 54) �A child may be adopted several times. Each time an adoption is terminated there must be a payment of money for the child.� (Barnett 1979: 54) �The idea behind adoption is always to place the control of children in the hands of some man who is outside of the family so that they will provide a source of money for their maternal male kin. This is just what happens when the father of a child supports it and assumes financial responsibility for it.� (Barnett 1979: 55) �When the father allows his child to be adopted, he wants to be placed in the same position himself. Consequently, the obvious thing to do is allow the child to be adopted by his sister�s husband. The money which comes to him as a result of this arrangement must be ultimately paid to his wife�s brother of the child the mother�s brother of the child, but he can have the use of it indefinitely.� (Barnett 1979: 55). Children defined as �orphans� to facilitate charity� Associated Press (2007) Aides question adoption of African children. The Herald Journal, p. A7. �Aid agencies say children in dire circumstances�even those in the inhospitable Saharan camps to which Darfur refugees have fled�need their families, not to be flown to the comforts of the West as a charity wanted to do�Authorities stopped a French group calling itself Zoe�s Ark from flying 103 African children from Chad to Europe�Zoe�s Ark said the children were orphans from Darfur�It intended to place them with French host families.� (AP/HJ 2007: A7) �The Zoe�s Ark campaign was also condemned in a joint statement distributed by Oxfam and signed by several international aid and development organizations working in Chad.� (AP/HJ 2007: A7) Szuchman (1982) Conflict and Continuity in Buenos Aires: Comments on the Historical City. In Stanley R. Ross and Thomas F. McGann (Eds.), Four Hundred Years: Buenos Aires,1580-1980. Pp. XX-XX. Austin, TX: Pub�? (or is this a quote from Guy 2002�?) ��orphans or street children. Such children, whose ages ranged from newborn to the age of majority, have been found on city streets from the colonial era to the present�.According to�novelist Esteban Echeverr�a, early-nineteenth-century Buenos Aires was depicted as a place where �everyone was surrounded by the poorly clad children.� (Szuchman 1982:58) Guy, Donna J. (2002) The state, the family, and marginal children in Latin America. In Tobias Hecht (Ed.), Minor Omissions. Pp. 139-164. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. �Between 1770 and 1929 more than one hundred thousand newborns were left at Chilean orphanages, the great majority illegitimate, and from 70 to 80 percent did not survive the first seven years�One infant in ten was abandoned in Chile, and this did not include older children.� (Guy 2002: 144) ��Buenos Aires dealt with street children. Thousands of older orphans and street children were cared for by the municipal defenders of minors, although they had no residential or educational facilities. By the mid-1880s the defenders in Buenos Aires found themselves swamped with abandoned children but unable to house them.� (Guy 2002: 147) Kenny, Mary Lorena (2007). Hidden Heads of Households: Child Labor in Urban Northeast Brazil. Buffalo, NY: Broadview Press. �During the eighteenth century, almost a quarter of all children born in Brazil were abandoned, and 80 per cent died before they age of seven.� (Kenny 2007: 100) Ideal Parent Model� Alber, Erdmute (2004) �The real parents are the foster parents�: Social parenthood among the Baatombu in Northern Benin. In Fiona Bowie (Ed.), Cross Cultural Approaches to Adoption. Pp. 33-47. London, UK: Routledge. �People think that biological fosterage is not the exception but the norm.� (Alber 2004: 33) �It is always a single individual of the same sex who takes the rights and duties of foster parenthood. The child normally moves into the household of the social mother or father aged about three to six. This age is preferred for child fosterage for two reasons, the child is not weaned until about three, and his or her younger biological brother or sister should already be born so that the mother will not stay without a child. It is maintained that the transfer of the child should happen at a young age, before the child would be �knowing�, as the Baatombu say, a change which takes place at around six or seven. Among other things, this implies that the events and changes that happen during this period cannot cause fundamental damage to the personality of the child or adult.� (Alber 2004: 36) �Their biological children�those whom one would call their own from a western perspective�belong to another partilineal clan and tend to be fostered by others. In this situation, foster children strengthen the position of married women. They are from the same clan as their social mothers, they are also strangers, and they belong exclusively to them.� (Alber 2004: 37) ��Her children� whom she called here �her things� were the biological children of her brothers or sisters. They belonged exclusively to her, whereas the children to whom she gave birth, which she could never call her �own�, belonged first of all to the family of their father.� (Alber 2004: 38) �There are numerous taboos and rules of avoidance between biological parents and children. They are forbidden to call the children by their first name. Instead, they have to use nicknames or paraphrases. Even in the first hours after birth I observed mothers expressing distance towards their newborn child in the presence of a watching crowd of friends and relatives.� (Alber 2004: 40) �Another belief in Baatombu society is important to understand fosterage�that to change location and the persons to whom one relates does not do any damage to a child. Young children are thought unable to understand and �know� what is happening, and are seen to be able to adapt quite easily to new parents and circumstances�The Baatombu believe that people are unable to act in a consistent and fair way with their biological children, and tend to be too lenient with them.� (Alber 2004: 41) Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Individual hamlet groups practiced swidden horticulture, frequently moving their hamlets when they moved their gardens.� (Fajans 1997: 16) �In contrast to the reproduction of the family through�intercourse, conception, pregnancy, birth, and nursing, the social family is created through the process of adoption, which is the cultural transformation of the natural parent-child relationship. The Baining engage quite frequently in adoption. In my genealogies the rate of adoption was 36 percent.� (Fajans 1997: 63) �An adopted child is said to be one�s �true� child�It is bad to hit such children: one should treat them well, and then they will grow up to be good productive members of society, and, not so incidentally, look after their adoptive parents well in old age. Parents are proud of their adopted children and will defend them from criticism or punishment from outside.� (Fajans 1997: 63) �The most common form occurs after a birth, when another Baining, male or female, single or married, sees a child and takes a fancy to him or her. The prospective adopter sees that the baby is alto (in the sense of being pretty, healthy, does not cry a lot). If this is the case, the prospective adopter(s) may bring gifts of food, and nowadays baby items such as diapers and tee shirts, to the child�s parents and give the parents the gifts while saying, �This is my child.� The parents are expected to agree and express no sadness or regret.� (Fajans 1997: 64) �If a woman�s children consistently die in infancy, another couple might suggest adopting the next child to see if they can break the pattern of mortality (Fajans 1997: 67)�For the Baining, being able to provide for a child is far more significant than being able to give birth to one. There is no stigma associated with sterility. If partners do not have children, they simply adopt them.� (Fajans 1997: 68) Infertility� Talle, Aud (2004) Adoption practices among the pastoral Massai of East Africa. In Fiona Bowie (Ed.), Cross Cultural Approaches to Adoption.. Pp. 64-78. London, UK: Routledge. �Among pastoral peoples in this part of the world it is quite common for infertile or childless women to adopt children from co-wives, sisters-in-law, or other close female relatives.� (Tale 2004: 64) Child-rearing as an investment� Alber, Erdmute (2004) �The real parents are the foster parents�: Social parenthood among the Baatombu in Northern Benin. In Fiona Bowie (Ed.), Cross Cultural Approaches to Adoption. Pp. 33-47. London, UK: Routledge. ��Her children� whom she called here �her things� were the biological children of her brothers or sisters. They belonged exclusively to her, whereas the children to whom she gave birth, which she could never call her �own�, belonged first of all to the family of their father.� (Alber 2004: 38) �Cooking, making fire, carrying water, collecting wood, taking care of small children, being sent to neighbors with messages, and so on. Men need a boy to help them with agricultural work. However, child labor is always connected to the idea that a child should be trained to become a good farmer or a good housewife. A woman without a single foster child to send out and, most importantly, belonging in this context exclusively to her is a poor woman. The fostering person does not only have rights, but duties as well. Possibly the most important (and the most expensive) duty is to give the child his or her first husband or wife. In the case of a girl this implies the payment of the dowry, for a boy, the payment of the brideprice. The payment of brideprice or dowry sets the child free, and is considered compensation for the work the children have done for their social parents�There is an expression for this context. When talking about marriage French-speaking Baatombu very often use the word lib�ration (liberation).� (Alber 2004: 38) �The child transfers between cities and village has become unidirectional: children are transferred from village to town but not vice versa.� (Alber 2004: 43) Demian, Melissa (2004) Transactions in right, transactions in children: A view of adoption from Papua New Guinea. In Fiona Bowie (Ed.), Cross Cultural Approaches to Adoption. Pp. 97-110. London, UK: Routledge. �I was compelled to ask this question in the course of my work on adoption in Suau, a Southern Massim society of Papua New Guinea. Nearly every household in both of the Suau villages in which I have worked have adopted a person into or out of their generations�as a result of stress on other relationships�a dearth of girls or boys, improperly spaced children, troubled marriages, and outstanding debts�.adopted children in Suau were sent along the same �roads� of exchange as brideweath pigs and the services of sorcerers.� (Demian 2004: 98) �Nurturing work, valuables, and children are variously conceived as version of one another, which is why one can be substituted for the others.� (Demian 2004: 104) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �Javanese see many reasons for bringing the child into the family. Since children are wanted even if only to help in household tasks, a childless couple may ask a brother or sister for one of their children to bring up�Adoption of a child is said to bring good luck.� (Geertz 1961: 37) �He explained that it was a good thing for children to go away from home�If their parents told them to work harder they wouldn�t obey, he said, whereas they would obey someone else.� (Geertz 1961: 116) Ritter, Philip (1981) Adoption on Kosrae Island: Solidarity and sterility. Ethnology, 20(1):45-61. ��the Micronesian island of Kosrae�� (Ritter 1981: 45) �Another kind of transfer in rights and duties over individuals occurs for the purpose of obtaining household service� Rights over the service of young women are particularly likely to be transferred. When a household contains no young women or when the only young women are incapacitated because of illness or childbirth, relatives may be called upon or take upon themselves to furnish a helper for their own household.� (Ritter 1981: 46) ��nearly 25 per cent of living Utwe residents and nearly 20 per cent of the Malem residents have been adopted. Thus, adoption must be considered a common and pervasive feature of Kosraen social life; but the rates are still considerably lower than [elsewhere in Oceana]�A number of different circumstances may lead to Kosraens to ask for a child. The most common condition among potential adopters is a lack of young children (Ritter 1981: 47)�the desire to nurture is very strong, particularly among women. Kosraens appear to take genuine pleasure in cuddling and handling babies, and the mothering role is viewed very favorable. The high value placed on nurturing encourages adoption as well as high fertility.� (Ritter 1981: 49) Leinaweaver, Jessaca B. (2008) Improving oneself: Young people getting ahead in the Peruvian Andes. Special Issue on Youth, Culture, and Politics in Latin America. Latin American Perspectives 35(4): 60-78. Ayacucho�highland town in Peru� � child circulation, a practice in which children grow up outside of their natal homes. �Improving oneself� is a reason for relocating children into the homes of better-off urban relatives, as well as the justification for placing children with less-well-off rural relatives so that a parent can pursue the same goal�. In child circulation, young people (ranging from approximately 4 to 18 years old) from small villages and towns are sent to live with city-based relatives. In this migration of the young, children provide assistance in the home of the receiving family, who in turn provide for their care and upbringing.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 60) ��child circulation�There are unfortunately no reliable statistics indicating exactly how common this practice is; I can say that I chose to study it because of the frequency with which I was offered babies on one of my first trips to the region�� (Leinaweaver 2008: 64) �Child circulation can (Leinaweaver 2008:65) involve unpaid labor (sometimes to exploitative degrees), sexual abuse, and other serious risks. Accordingly, both nongovernmental organizations and government agencies sometimes label this long-used strategy of relocating children �child trafficking,� lumping it with prostitution, panning for gold, and other fairly unvarnished forms of exploitation. In these institutions� view, the risk to the child who is circulated to get ahead is far too great to justify the relocation. But in the unspoken understanding maintained by my interlocutors in Peru there are degrees of mistreatment, and in many cases these risks or problems are unrecognized, deliberately overlooked, or tacitly accepted by young people or their families.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 66) �A young person may be left temporarily at an orphanage while his or her parent goes elsewhere for work, allowing the parent an opportunity for getting ahead without the danger of permanently losing a child. However, if the parent never retrieves the child, he or she is declared legally �abandoned� and made available for domestic or (Leinaweaver 2008: 68) international adoption. This situation, rather than orphanhood, is what creates the vast majority of adoptable children in Peru. Most children currently residing in the orphanages will never be defined as adoptable and will instead eventually return home. This system gives some clues as to how children are valued differently by gender, most notably the following paradox: There are more girls than boys in the orphanages, but more boys than girls are placed for adoption.� (Leinaweaver 2008: 69) Child-centered � Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. �The age at which a child reached theoretical adult status was still twelve years old.� (Crawford 1999: 42) �The early seventh-century law of Hlothere and Eadric similarly made provision for a man dying, leaving a wife and child; �it is right that the child should remain with the mother, and one of its father�s relatives who is wiling to act, shall be given as its guardian to take care of its property, until it is ten years old�.� (Crawford 1999: 43) �The mortality rates indicated by the cemetery studies also offer insights as to why parents felt that sending their children out to become part of other families was in their children�s best interests. Given the average adult life expectancy of thirty-three to thirty-five year, it is evident that many children would have (Crawford 1999: 129) suffered the death of one or another parent before they reached maturity.� (Crawford 1999: 130) Interesting reversal. In traditional societies, adults adopt in order to earn a significant return on their rather small investment. They expect the adopted child to take care of them as it grows older. In contemporary bourgeoisie society, the precious cherub who is adopted is even more precious than one's biological offspring. Adoptive parents make larger than average investments with no expectation of a return� Hamilton, Laura, Cheng, Simon, Powell, Brian 2007. Adoptive parents, adaptive parents: Evaluating the Importance of biological ties for parental investment. American Sociological Review 72: 95�116. Contemporary legal and scholarly debates emphasize the importance of biological parents for children�s well-being. Scholarship in this vein often relies on stepparent families even though adoptive families provide an ideal opportunity to explore the role of biology in family life. In this study, we compare two-adoptive-parent families with other families on one key characteristic�parental investment. Using data from the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten-First Grade Waves (ECLS-K), basic group comparisons reveal an adoptive advantage over all family types. This advantage is due in part to the socioeconomic differences between adoptive and other families. Once we control for these factors, two-adoptive-parent families invest at similar levels as two biological- parent families but still at significantly higher levels in most resources than other types of families. These� patterns suggest that adoptive parents enrich their children�s lives to compensate for the lack of biological ties and the extra challenges of adoption. Liefsen, Esben (2004) Person, relation, and value: The economy of circulating Ecuadorian children in international adoption. In Fiona Bowie (Ed.), Cross Cultural Approaches to Adoption. Pp. 182-196. London, UK: Routledge. �One agency is suspected among others things of forcing or actively encouraging birthmothers to give up their babies in exchange for some kind of compensation. It also manipulates the legal system in order to get children quickly and efficiently through the adoption process, securing a high delivery rate.� (Liefsen 2004:185) Howell, Signe (2004) The backpackers that come to stay: New challenges to Norwegian transnational adoptive families. In Fiona Bowie (Ed.), Cross-Cultural Approaches to Adoption, Pp. 227-241. London, UK: Routledge. �Medical provision, cultural attitudes and economic provision enable a pregnant women to decide whether or not to have the child. Abortion on demand has been available since 1975. Single mothers are not stigmatized and they receive sufficient financial support to enable them to bring up children on their own. These factors have led to few unwanted babies being born and, hence few Norwegian-born babies available for adoption.� (Howell 2004:227) �Today, one increasingly hears that children arrive with a �backpack� full of past experiences. Although the amount of �baggage� in the backback varies with each child, the implicit message of this metaphor is that the past, however, brief, has consequences for the child�s development in its new circumstances.� (Howell 2004:229) �Many parents are developing a new-found interest in the period before the child came to them.� (Howell 2004: 229) Little Demons Denham, Aaron R., Adongo, Philip B., Freydberg, Nicole, Hodgson, Abraham (2010) Chasing spirits: Clarifying the spirit child phenomenon and infanticide in Northern Ghana. Social Science & Medicine 71: 608-615 �What is a spirit child? It is a child that has a large head, is born with teeth or a beard, spies on its parents, and vanishes when the parents are not looking. Sometimes when you give birth, you don�t know you have given birth to it. A woman who gives birth, continuously falls sick, and doesn�t get well has given birth to a spirit child (Elder Nankani woman, 2007).� (p. 608) Although preventable diseases and, ultimately, the effects of poverty constitute the primary causes of infant and child mortality throughout the Kassena-Nankana District (KND) in Northern Ghana, local discourse suggests that a number of infant and child deaths are intentionally facilitated by family members. In these cases, deformed or ailing children, births concurrent with tragic events, or children displaying unusual abilities are regarded as spirit children sent �from the bush� to cause misfortune and destroy the family. Fromthe Nankani perspective, spirit children are not human, but are bush spirits masquerading as such. From a biological perspective, many of these children have disabilities or are chronically ill. (p. 608). This study focused on Nankani families living in the Eastern Sub-District of the Kassena-Nankana District in the Upper East Region of Ghana. The KND is a semi-arid, sub-Sahelian guinea savannah with one annual rainy season. As part of the Volta Basin, its topography and cultural characteristics are more akin to thoseliving to the north in Burkina Faso, for example, rather than in the rainforests to the south� The primary occupation in the district is subsistence farming. Due to the dependence on a single growing season, food insecurity, periods of famine, and seasonalmalnutrition are a persistent threat. Childhood within the KND is a precarious time, both in terms of encountering illness and in the presence of spiritual dangers. The challenges facing children begin before and continue throughout birth. The fetus and infant are at risk due to high maternal disease burden, care-seeking delays resulting from geographic or economic constraints�(p. 610). From the perspective of the Nankani, spirit children are bush spirits born into a family in human form. Although they appear human, spirit children are not human beings and are not regarded as persons. Spirit children are not children possessed by an offending spirit subject to exorcism; rather, their entire being is that of a spirit, and the only way to remove a spirit child from the family is though death. Before taking a human form, spirit children dwell within the bush actively searching for a possible way to enter a family. The spirit wants to enter the house to gain access to the �good things� a family provides, such as food and care. Once born, the spirit child will take over the house and destroy the family, breaking it apart through conflict, sickness, and death, only returning to the bush when satisfied. Community members describe spirit children as impulsive, wise, crafty�(p. 611) Mothers and fathers, as well as other extended family members, raised suspicions regarding spirit children. While rapid timeframes were occasionally described, we did not encounter a case wherein the family detected and killed a spirit child in haste. Rather, it was more common that an extensive investigation, diagnostic, and decision-making process occurred before families could confirm their suspicions and summon a concoction man to conduct the ritual and administer the concoction� concoction men did use the dongo to send living spirit children �back to the bush,� (p.612) Landsman, Gail Heidi (2009). Reconstructing Motherhood and Disability in the Age of �Perfect� Babies. New York: Routledge. �Scheer and Groce (1988: 28) report that among the Dogon, for instance, it was believed that women who have copulated with a bush spirit give birth to disabled infants and that incestuous sexual unions are considered to the cause of disability among the Bantu.� (Landsman 2009: 15) �Among the Songye, those defined as �bad� or �faulty� children, including albino, dwarf, and hydrocephalic children, are considered supernaturals who have been in contact with sorcerers in the anti-world; they are not believed to be human beings, and they are expected to die (Devleiger 1995: 96). (Landsman 2009: 51) Among the Nuer, it is claimed, a disabled infant was interpreted as a hippopotamus that had mistakenly been born to human parents; the child would be returned to its proper home by being thrown into the river (Scheer and Groce 1988: 28).� (Landsman 2009: 52) Scheer, J. and Groce, N. (1988). Impairment as a Human Constant: Cross-Cultural and Historical Perspectives on Variation. Journal of Social Issues 44(1): 23-37. Devleiger, P. (1995). Why Disabled? The Cultural Understanding of Physical Disability in an African Society. In Benedicte Ingstad and Susan Reynolds Whyte (Eds.), Disability and Culture (pp. 94-133). Berkeley: University of California Press. # The smiling boy second from right is the very same child threatened as a witch depicted on page 98 of the book. He was rescued by photographer Paul Raffaele who sent me this photo via email on February 4th, 2009. Adriani, Nicolaus and Kruijt, Albertus C. (1950) The Bare'e-Speaking Toradja of Central Celebes. Amsterdam: Noord-Hollandsche Uitgevers Maatschappij. A Toradja woman, unable to keep her female infant, would give birth alone in the forest and then ��put it in the fork of a couple of tree branches..." (Adriani 1950: 361)###"If the case is repeated, then the corpse of the second child is handled differently from that of the first: if the first child was buried under the eaves, then the second is placed in a hole in a tree."(Adriani 1950: 532)##"Stillborn children and children who lived only two or three days did not get a coffin, but were buried wrapped in a rain mat, in foeja, or in ar�n fiber, preferably under a rice granary or � a defective earthen pot. [Such] children were in many regions put away in a hole that was made in a large, living tree�The body was placed�on end, with the head downward� after which the hole was nailed shut with a small board. This was done so that the child's tanoana (p. 708) would not return to earth and call the tanoana of other children, so that the latter would also be stillborn or die soon after birth."It is also said that, if the head is turned upward, the soul of the child will rise to the top of the tree and spoil the fruits, make them tasteless"(p. 709). LaFraniere, Sharon (2007) African crucible: Cast as witches, then cast out. The New York Times, November 15th, A1. �''The witches situation started when fathers became unable to care for the children,'' said Ana Silva, who is in charge of child protection for the children's institute. ''So they started seeking any justification to expel them from the family.'' Two recent cases horrified officials there. In June, Ms. Silva said, a Luanda [Angola] mother blinded her 14-year-old daughter with bleach to try to rid her of evil visions. In August, a father injected battery acid into his 12-year-old son's stomach because he feared the boy was a witch, she said. Many boys describe pasts of abuse, rejection and fear. Saldanha David Gomes, 18, who lived with his aunt until he was 12, said she turned on him after her 3-year-old daughter fell ill and died. After, he said, his aunt refused to feed him and bound his hands and feet each night, fearing that he would take another victim.� (LaFraniere 2007: A1) �Afonso Garcia, 6, took the shelter's last empty cot in July. ''I came here on my own because my father doesn't like me and I was not eating every day,'' he said matter-of-factly. After Afonso's mother died three years ago, he moved in with his father. His stepmother, Antoinette Eduardo, said she began to suspect that he was a witch after neighborhood children reported that he had eaten a razor. Besides that, she said, ''he was getting thinner and thinner, even though he was eating well.''� (LaFraniere 2007: A1) �Sivi Munzemba said she exorcised possessed children by inserting a poultice of plants into their anuses, shaving their heads and sequestering them for two weeks in her house. Once a soothsayer or healer brands a child a witch, child welfare specialists say, even the police often back away. ''Of course it was a crime,'' Mr. Bulio said. ''But because it is witchcraft, the police do not take any responsibility.'' In Angola�s Bantu culture the idea of child witches has a long history. However, an alarming increase in the number of children accused of being witches is on the increase. Child advocates estimate that thousands of street children in Angola, Congo, and the Republic of Congo have been �accused of witch craft and cast out by their families, often as a rationale for not having to feed or care for them.� (LaFraniere 2007: A1) Sargent, Carolyn F. (1988) Witchcraft and infanticide in Bariba culture. Ethnology 27(1): 79-95. �Among the Bariba (Benin) infants born prematurely or in the breech position or with anomalies like neonatal teeth or initial maxillary teeth [�natal teeth are associated with syndromes producing congenital abnormalities that may include such features as cleft lip, cleft palate, congenital heart malformation, and dwarfism�] are declared witches (machube) and are killed, abandoned or given to a neighboring tribe as slaves. Witch babies can cause harm including making their mother sick.� (Sergent 1988: 79-80). �That which is defined as infanticide may vary according to cultural conceptions regarding the actual beginning of life. The point at which the child receives a name may indicate induction into society and formal recognition of existence. In Bariba society, a newborn is immediately named according to rank order (e.g., first son, second daughter) and may be given a Muslim name at Baptism eight days after birth. Formal Bariba naming for the aristocracy occurs at age four or five. Infants are said to be similar to animals, warm and playful but without reason. They become human by age two--when a child is "too big" to nurse and is therefore weaned. In some instances, children are not named until several years of age; there seem to be progressive phases of recognition of the child as a permanent member of society, key among which is the appearance of teeth. Both mothers and fathers state that they await the appearance of teeth anxiously to determine the future of the child and, in fact, to identify the child's essence--human or witch substance. (p. 82) When mothers were asked whether they would grieve for a witch baby given away or killed, they responded that a mother should not grieve because her husband and his patrilineage had been endangered by the threat of illness or death. (Sergent 1988: 83) Mothers are under considerable strain to make a determination re a newborn's status and may call in the midwife�for consultation�A decision that the child is a potential witch usually involves the household head and infanticide is most often performed by a ritual specialist.�( Sergent 1988: 84) �The threat of witches continues to be perceived as potent by urban Bariba, although infanticide as a response to this threat is said to be increasingly rare. Ethnographic evidence from observation and key informants suggests that witches remain a danger to be reckoned with and accordingly alternative means of countering the potential power of witchcraft are emerging. One solution, mentioned above, is to give the unwanted child to a mission to be raised. The evangelical missions in the Bariba region have received abandoned witch babies for many years." (Sergent 1988: 90) �A child may be suspected of being a witch if it is socially maladjusted or developmentally delayed.� (Sergent 1988: 92) Children as Chattel Autumn Barrett (2010). Childhood, Colonialism and Nationbuilding: Virginia and New York, Paper presented at the SCCR/AAACIG meetings, Albuquerque, NM, February 20th. Abstract: Childhood and Adulthood, as conceptual products of the European enlightenment, were utilized by European colonizers to justify exploitation within the colonies.� Distinctions between Child and Adult were contextually applied toward particular ends, based upon vacillating criteria.� This paper focuses primarily on Virginia indenture documents from 1618 � 1858 to analyze mechanisms by which childhood served as a conceptual and physical site for producing and reproducing hierarchy in Virginia.� Laws, contracts, correspondence and images show how sameness and difference were enacted to construct English, American, and more broadly, �white� identities in relationship with members of the Empire, colony and state who were systematically excluded.� Analyses from the New York African Burial Ground Project demonstrate the use of child/adult distinctions within colonial New York.� Examples drawn from these studies are discussed in terms of implications for child health, access to resources and labor expectations in comparison with Virginia, combining skeletal and documentary data. The author argues that adults defined and enacted social distinctions between children according to categories of race, class and gender, directly affecting access to resources.� This study explores the relationships between ideologies supporting European/ white privilege and classifications of child, race, class and gender from the colonial period to early statehood. Clark, Gracia (1994) Onions are My Husband: Survival and Accumulation by West African Market Women. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Kumasi Central Market traders�delegate as much domestic work as possible to children, maids, and adult kin who do not trade. �One middle-aged trader, not exceptionally wealthy, exemplified the ideal that children take over housework entirely. Her nine children, aged three to twenty-six, lived in a house� The mother declared proudly that she did nothing at all when she went home.� (Clark 1994: 332) �Children themselves also initiate or promote errand-running relationships in order to establish relationships with neighbors, more distant kin, or influential adults such as schoolteachers that may prove beneficial in both the short and long term. Every errand should bring some reward, besides praise; for example, a child who runs to buy a loaf of bread or some cooked food should be given a share. Those who volunteer to help cook can generate substantial amounts of extra food by regularly assisting more prosperous neighbors with shopping and cooking.� (Clark 1994: 367) Dybdahl, Ragnhild and Hundeide, Karsten (1998) Childhood in the Somali context: Mothers� and Children�s ideas about Childhood and Parenthood. Psychology and Developing Societies 10(2): 132-145. �Both mothers and children stressed the importance of several qualities in children: obedience hard work, and contribution to the household. Women valued children highly and wanted many children. They emphasized children� physical needs. Children stressed the authority of parents�The responses of mothers and children were very similar. Children, it appeared, had perceived and accepted their parents� views nearly perfectly.� (Dybdahl 1998: 140) Mitterauer, Michael and Sieder, Reinhard (1997) The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from the Middle Ages to the Present. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �It may be said that in traditional rural societies the young were regarded mainly as a labour force for use in the peasant family enterprise and were therefore employed to meet the demands of that enterprise. This meant that�as in all simple, �closed� societies�there was no need to develop separate institutions and techniques of socialization.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 98) �There was little chance for them to develop their own interests or to foster individual talents and ambitions. If we take into account the very small number of �careers� available in country districts in pre-industrial times, it will be appreciated that the possibility of satisfying the desire to follow a certain calling was very slim, as there were few options from which to choose.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 98) �In country and farming families social relationships were determined by the economic and labour requirements of the family enterprise. Emotional and affective relationships, which nowadays would seem to constitute the typical �family� character of small group, were consequently much less common than they are today. Even the relationship between mother and infant was usually less intensive than it is now. Until the middle of the nineteenth century there was, among large sections of the population, little tenderness and loving intimacy. Lack of attention an care, as well as poor feeding and unhygienic conditions lead to the death of many children in infancy, which probably discouraged mothers from lavishing much love on new-born babies. There was little appreciation of the need to cherish an infant, to give it the security of a warm nest and, as it grew up, to help it to develop its own personality.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 100) November 20, 2009 A Joint Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission and the Impulse NGO Network Asian Human Rights Commission 19/F, Go-Up Commercial Building, 998 Canton Road, Kowloon, Hongkong S.A.R. An estimated 70,000 children from Nepal and Bangladesh work as bonded labourers in coal mines in Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya state in India. Mine shafts, as shown in one news video, are nothing but crude holes, narrow in diameter, dug into the hills, hence they�re called �rat mines.� Every day, truck loads of coal cross the Indian border to Bangladesh. The vehicles return with children, who are lured into the mining industry with the promise of better wages and living conditions. The overwhelming number of children brought from Nepal and Bangladesh also indicates the living conditions for children in these countries. In most cases children have reported that they were sent to the mines after their parents accepted money from middlemen engaged in child trafficking. Children are also abducted and sold by gangs in Nepal and Bangladesh to the mining mafia in Meghalaya. The price for a child varies from 50 to 75 US dollars. The children have to work for free, as their work is considered as repayment of the debt they owe, which is nothing more than the price at which they were bought. Human skeletons were recovered beneath a pile of coal in a mine in Jaintia Hills. They were the remains of children who lost their lives due to collapse of the mine shafts or in other accidents during the mining operations. The investigation also revealed that such deaths are common in the mines and the dead bodies buried in undisclosed graves near the mines, often under piles of earth. Working hours are long, often from daybreak to nightfall without rest. They have no means to communicate to the outside world, much less to their families. The only tools the children have to extract coal or limestone are shovels or pickaxes. There are no medical facilities available near the mines. Not all children are boys. There are considerable numbers of girls who have been bought by the mine owners. Instances of sexual abuse are rampant. It is also reported that some children are trafficked further from the mines to the cities for prostitution. Whitehurst, Lindsay (2009) Boy 'for free' in online classified ad. Salt Lake Tribune, March 8th, Accessed online 3/8/09 Refers to several online ads offering babies for sale and, in this case a �hard-working� teen because �we�re low on money.� (Whitehurst 2009: online) Bass, Loreta E. (2004) Child Labor in Sub-Saharan Africa. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. �In the large Adjame market of Abidjan, C�te d� Ivoire, investigators discovered a �maid market� wherein young girls were being bought and sold from a ramshackle, corrugated iron and wood shack. A small group of slaves who had been liberated from the estimated 20,000 slaves in Niger again showed children substantially represented. In the late 1990s the Sudanese government was implicated in the practice of allowing marauders to carry out �slave raids� in which innocent women and children were captured and then sold as domestic and agricultural slaved. Amnesty International estimates that 90,000 black Africans still live as �property� of Arab Berbers in Mauritania and that 300,000 freed slaves are trapped both psychologically and economically into continued servitude under their former masters...Slave families at Taudenni in the north of Mali mine the salt blocks sold in Mopti.� (Bass 2004: 149) Dean, Carolyn (2002) Sketches of childhood: Children in Colonial Andean art and society. In Tobias Hecht (Ed.), Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society, (pp. 21-51). Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. �Children in pre-Conquest times were themselves often treated as products. We know that they were given to the state as a form of tax payment. In addition, they were highly valued as the most propitious of sacrifices offered at critical junctures such as epidemics, war, and the coronation of new heads-of-the-state.� (Dean 2002:44) Kenny, Mary Lorena (2007) Hidden Heads of Households: Child Labor in Urban Northeast Brazil. Buffalo, NY: Broadview Press. �In Recife, the capital of the state of Pernambuco in Northeast Brazil�� (Kenny 2007: 1) �The boy sat on a towel on the ground while the older man talked and prepared the crowd for the performance. He told us that the boy would lie down on a blanket of broken bottles that lay a few feet from where he sat on a towel. Prior to this, the boy would put a sewing needle through is arm to show how impervious he was to pain�Most people in the crowd gasped and turned away as the pointed end of the needle came through opposite side of his arm. After the needle performance, the older man walked through the crowd soliciting money. As people rummaged through their purses and pockets for change, one woman yelled, �I�m not giving any money until he lies down on the glass!� Others repeated her demand. The boy then lay on the glass expressionless.� (Kenny 2007: 1) �In Brazil, over six million children between the ages of 10-17 and 296,000 children between 5 and 9 are working�.Children produce much of what Brazilians eat, wear, and sleep in�The cacao, gems, minerals, soybean, and grape industries have all required the use of cheap (children�s) labor.� (Kenny 2007: 2) �Another guide, Fofao, was forced to leave his home because of �problems with my stepfather. He didn�t like me.� He was sent to live with his aunt. �I was basically one of my aunt�s employees, and I think that is exactly why I was given to my aunt.� From as far back as he can remember he was expected to work and help his family. �When I was six years old, I was selling ice-pops. It was my aunt who set me up. She bought the styrofoam box for the ice pops. It was clear to me from the beginning that I would have to work; there was never any question about it. I was forced, really, and have to say that I never really liked, it. I do not like to sell things on the street. I always wanted to study, to stay in school. However, after I moved to my aunt�s, they took me out of school because, basically, if we wanted to eat we had to work. When I was not selling ice-pops, I was selling cocada (a coconut pastry). When I started working as a guia, it was great because, in a way, it was a form of studying. I taught myself. It was easy. I got a map and studied.� (Kenny 2007: 78)�It is my aunt who pretty much decides how the money will be spent.� (Kenny 2007: 79) �[Gloria] �So, a man my mother knew (Kenny 2007: 91) decided to take me, because he only had a child. After I was born, my mother put me in a sack, and gave me to him. He put me together with his bananas and took me to his house.� (Kenny 2007: 92)�Gloria decided it was time to leave the favela and try their luck elsewhere. She contacted a cousin in Rio, and with her youngest son, aged two, went to stay with her. The rest of the children, aged 10-20, stayed behind with her husband. A few weeks later, he sold their house for 800 reais (about US$400), bought a bus ticket to Rio, and left the rest of the children behind.� (Kenny 2007: 95) Lassonde, Stephen (2008) Learning to forget: Schooling and family life in New Haven�s working class, 1970-1940, Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, 1.2:289-300. Book Review� �Its analysis of the assimilation, and resistance to assimilation, of the Italians of New Haven from 1879 to 1940.� (Lassonde 2008: 289) �For the contadini who came to New Haven, children were to be willing participants in a family compact that put claims of kin before aspirations of one�s own. Childhood was but a brief period of dependency. Youth began wherever opportunity to work and to contribute to the family economy, first presented itself. Compulsory schooling challenged the very premises of that immigrant outlook, both economically and ethically. It cost the family income it needed.� (Lassonde 2008: 289) �Education also challenged the prerogatives of the elders in moral instruction. It instilled upon children the wrong lessons about obligations to others, and in the deepest sense it was considered amoral.� (Lassonde 2008: 290) Bass, Loreta E. (2004) Child Labor in Sub-Saharan Africa. Boulder: Lynne Rienner. �A study of the Tonga people of Zambia.� (Bass 2004: 83) �Not all child labor is bad�Ebeneezer, who works to support his family, explains, �There�s nothing wrong with working because I have to look after my mother. My father�s dead and I have four brothers and three sisters (p. 3)�I saw Emeria being beaten by her mother because she refused to go to the field. Changu, a fourteen-year-old girl, describes, �Mother beat me for not working and I was very angry.� (Bass 2004: 83) �Mae Tonga children also work in the fields during middle childhood, but they have more time for leisure activities than their female counterparts from age eleven to age fourteen.� (Bass 2004: 84) �Child labor can be viewed as keeping children from participating in school. Conversely, the proceeds from children�s labor often can make the difference in being able to afford the costs of school.� (Bass 2004: 99) �Independent school migrants have become common�These children migrate from rural areas and then bear the responsibilities of being full-time students and of sustaining themselves independently in the urban milieu. These children have successfully completed their primary school education in rural areas, but must relocate to a regional city in order to access secondary and higher education. Secondary schools are not equipped with dormitories, so these children are required to rent on their own or with a group of classmates. Many of these temporary household consist only of children who are ten to thirteen years old�Children who do well in school are those who develop daily urban survival strategies. Most children try to go home on the weekends to assist their parents in the fields or collect food for the week, regardless of their academic calendar of exams and activities. Because parents often do not have cash to buy everyday school supplies such as paper and pens, children develop small businesses to earn pocket money.� (Bass 2004: 119) Callimachi, Rukmini (2008) Child maid traffic spreads from Africa to US. The Salt Lake Tribune. December 29th, A8. �Documents the pattern whereby wealthy individuals who utilize child labor in Africa bring their �chattel� with them to USA. One particular case of a young girl whose mother had �leased� her to an Egyptian couple is described and the couple in question were prosecuted and jailed. Their children treated the maid like she was subhuman.� (Challimachi 2008: A8) Child workers Skoufias, Emmanuel (1994). Market wages, family composition and the time allocation of children in agricultural households. The Journal of Developmental Studies, 30:2, 335-360. Study done in 10 villages across rural India. �Girls from landless and small farm households appear to have considerably higher participation rates in labour market activities compared to boys. In addition, the participation rates of girls in productive activities within the household are consistently higher than those of boys with the majority of the girls� time devoted to domestic activities as opposed to crop production and animal husbandry activities performed by boys. Finally, increasing farm size of the household is associated with increased participation rates in schooling for both boys and girls, with the latter being substantially lower compared to the participation rates of boys.� (p 339-340) �Irrespective of age category, girls are more likely participants in labour market and home activities, whereas boys are more likely to be at school. Furthermore, boys are twice as likely to be at school at ages 14 to 17 than girls, although in general, school participation decrease with age irrespective of gender.� (p 340) ��boys and girls from lower and medium caste households are more likely participants in home activities than boys and girls from higher caste households (the omitted category). Girls from lower caste households are also more likely participants in the labour market. Also boys from households with a higher number of girls between the ages of five to 14 and more adult male members are less likely participants in home activities. The same is true for girls, but, in addition, the number of adult females in the household has a significantly negative coefficient in the HOME equation for girls.� (p 344) It appears that there are clear substitution effects�for any given chore, first choice=adult female, 2nd=girl, 3rd=boy. ��higher child wages lead to decreased leisure hours of both boys and girls.� (p 346) �Whereas higher male wage rates increase child time in schooling, higher female wage rates seem to have a negative impact.� (p 346) So if husbands have more money, children go to school. Wives can earn more money working for wages and use children to do domestic work, e.g. not send them to school. Evans-Pritchard, E.E. (1956). Nuer Religion. Oxford: Clarendon Press. The Nuer do not claim a child until they are at least six years old because �(w)hen he tethers the cattle and herds the goats� (w)hen he cleans the byres and spreads the dung to dry and collects it and carries it to the fires� he is considered a person (p. 146). It is not until the child can provide an economic contribution to the group that they are awarded with a personal identity. Children in Paradise Rival, Laura (2000) Formal schooling and the production of modern citizens in the Ecuadorian Amazon. In Bradley A.U. Levinson (Ed.), Schooling the Symbolic Animal: Social and Cultural Dimensions of Education. Pp.108-122. Lanham, MA: Rowman and Littlefield. �Huaorani people consider learning an integral part of growing. Children, who progressively become full members of the longhouse through their increased participation in ongoing social activities, learn to be Huaorani experientially be getting food and sharing it, by helping out in the making of blowguns, pots, or hammocks, and by chanting with longhouse co-residents.� (Rival 2000: 115) � Why adults never order children around; they do not command, coerce, or exercise any kind of physical or moral pressure, but simply suggest and ask, without getting annoyed when the answer is �No, I won�t do it, I don�t feel like doing it now� (ba amopa). The (Rival 2000: 115) belief that harmonious social life should be based on the full respect of personal expression and free choice to act�As adults do not have a sense of hierarchical superiority, and are not overprotective, relations between what a non-Huaorani would call �adults� and �children� are totally devoid of authority.� (Rival 2000: 116) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Bonerate belongs to Kabupaten (district) Selayar in the province of South Sulawesi in Indonesia�.The island, formed of coral, is almost circular in shape and is fringed by extensive reefs.� (Broch 1990: 1) �In the past a combination of trading, slaving, and piracy formed (Broch 1990:1) the based of the island economy (p. 2)�Although some fishing and agriculture go on, the major economic activity�is shipbuilding.� (Broch 1990:3) �A crying baby is rarely heard. Miang Tuu villagers say that they all feel uncomfortable at the sound and will try to do something about it, no matter whose baby it is. If the mother is close, the baby will be nursed. If that does not calm the baby down, he or she is rocked in somebody�s arms, and talked to (in baby language). Adults often fiddle with the genitals of the baby to make it smile.� (Broch 1990:29) �It is extremely rare to see expressions of physical aggression, even among children in the village.� (Broch 1990:42) �Before the age of four to five years, boys and girls are treated alike in most contexts�and both run naked most of the time.� (Broch 1990:62) �Children are not burdened by too many chores and are given the best of many aspects of life. They sleep with they want to, cook their own small meals, and often receive the best pieces of food and fruits gathered for the household. During the season, children gather lots of sweet mangoes that they may or may not share with their parents. Generally children are reluctant to share their goodies with adults but are more generous with their playmates.� (Broch 1990:74) The Priceless Child Peterson, Jean T. (1978). The Ecology of Social Boundaries: Agta Foragers of the Philippines. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press �The [Agta] infant is eagerly passed from person to person until all in attendance have had an opportunity to snuggle, nuzzle, sniff, and admire the new- born....A child's first experience, then, involves a community of relatives and friends. Thereafter he enjoys constant cuddling, carrying, loving, sniffing and affectionate genital stimulation (Peterson 1978:16).� Zeller, Anne C. (1987) A role for children in Hominid evolution. Man 22(3): 528-557. �The material for a survey of children�s contributions in hunter-gatherer and horticultural societies is not reported in the literature for very many societies.� (Zeller 1987: 541) �The fourteen groups surveyed show great variation in the numbers of activities by which children contribute to their maintenance.� (Zeller 1987: 546) �At the other end of the scale are the two cultures in their survey which show negligible levels of input from children. These are the Saniyo-Hiyowe and the Kaulong, both of Papua New Guinea. In both cases the informants commented that levels of contribution by children were very low and this correlated with low levels of completed fertility.� (Zeller 1987: 546) �Another group with low levels of population replacement (about four offspring) and minimal help from children are the Kualong of SW New Britain. These people acquire approximately 60 per cent. of their food from the bush and about 40 per cent from gardening. Birth spacing of four years is maintained by prolonged nursing and sexual abstinence. Four years of nursing is considered essential for the continued life and health of young children and poor health is a major cause of infant mortality. The older sibling must be able to walk independently to the garden area before a new infant will be allowed to live. Mothers have total care of the infant, which includes holding them at all times, even when the infants are asleep. After age 3 infant care is shared by older siblings.� (Zeller 1987: 547) Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. Portrait of family life where the mom is the virtual servant to the 3 kids�teenagers. �Developmental Story 3: Middle-Class Los Angeles. � Middle-class U.S. parents are highly child-centric and accommodating starting from infancy and continuing through middle childhood and into adolescence.� (Ochs 2009: 398) �Across 30 families observed, no child routinely assumed responsibility for household tasks without being asked (Klein et al. 2008). Children were assigned tasks and intermittently made their bed, or cleared the table, or got dressed on their own. But the overall picture was one of effortful appeals by parents for help with practical matters, relying on politeness markers such as, �please,� offers of rewards, or veiled threats. Directives were often cast as suggestions, such as �You know what you can do, Alex? You can wash your hair in the bathroom. Do you want to do that?� Parents also frequently directed a child to help them backtracked and did the task themselves, as when a mother asked her daughter to do laundry then told her to dry her hair instead and that she will do the laundry (not expecting the daughter to do both). Although some children resisted or flatly refused.� (Ochs 2009: 399) Numerous stories of parents being ordered around by their kids who are tyrannical. �Resonating with repeated observations in other families, the parent in this exchange retreats from no-nonsense authority figure to a valet for the child.� (Ochs 2009: 400) Templeton, Sarah-Kate (2007) Deaf demand right to designer deaf children The Sunday Times December 23rd, Accessed: 01-26-08 http://www.timesonline.co.uk/tol/news/uk/health/article3087367.ece �DEAF parents should be allowed to screen their embryos so they can pick a deaf child over one that has all its senses intact, according to the chief executive of the Royal National Institute for Deaf and Hard of Hearing People (RNID). Jackie Ballard, a former Liberal Democrat MP, says that although the vast majority of deaf parents would want a child who has normal hearing, a small minority of couples would prefer to create a child who is effectively disabled, to fit in better with the family lifestyle. Current legislation is discriminatory, because it gives parents the right to create �designer babies� free from genetic conditions while banning couples from deliberately creating a baby with a disability. Next month a coalition of disability organisations will launch a campaign to amend the bill to make it possible for parents to choose the embryos that carry a genetic abnormality.� (Templeton 2007: online) Sarah Palin syndrome where expectant mother gains a great deal of social capital in martyring herself to an expensive and difficult child� Anonymous (2008) Many keeping babies with Downs: More Down's syndrome babies are being born than before pre-natal screening became widespread, figures show. BBC Online Edition November 24th. Accessed: December 2nd, 2008. Available: #HYPERLINK "http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/7741411.stm"#http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/health/7741411.stm# �Following the widespread introduction of pre-natal testing for the syndrome, the number of babies born with Down's fell from 717 in 1989 to 594 at the start of this decade. But during the current decade the birth rate has increased, reaching 749 births of children with Downs Syndrome in 2006, the latest year for which figures are available. In general, the overall birth rate has been increasing in recent years. But figures from the National Down's Syndrome Cytogenetic Register suggest Down's births have risen by approximately 15% as a proportion of all live births since 2000.� (Anon/BBC 2009: online) �The Down's Syndrome Association (UK) surveyed 1,000 parents to find out why they had pressed ahead with a pregnancy despite a positive test result. Most respondents said they felt supported by their family and friends and considered that the future was far better today for those with Down's syndrome.� (Anon/BBC 2009: online) Mitchell, Robbyn (2008) One-year-old, one lavish birthday bash. St. Petersburg Times, February 24th, B1 Accessed 12/2/08 Available: /2008/02/24/Hillsborough/One_year_old__one_lav.shtml �His parents pay $3,000 for the special day. Eyes wide, "Prince" Clayburn Reed looked around astonished at the nearly 60 faces as they sang happy birthday in unison. To celebrate his first birthday, his mother, Sheila Chapman, rented the Palms Room at the Tampa Palms Golf and Country Club and invited friends and family for his special day.� (Michell 2008: online) "I think it's one way of a person having a gala for themselves, using the child's birthday,� If Chapman has her way, though, young Clayburn will be feted this way every year. "These are the memories I want him to have," she said. "I want him to know how important and special I think he is." (Michell 2008: online) Clark, Cindy Dell (2007) Role-Play on parade: Child, costume and ceremonial exchange at Halloween. In Dorothy Justus Sluss and Olga S. Jarrett (Ed.), Investigating Play in the 21st Century. Pp. 289-305. New York: University Press of America. �Parents reported that they tried to honor the child�s selection of role by cooperating in purchasing or constructing a costume, and through assistance with hair, make-up and/or prop. Even if they needed to visit several stores to find a particular costume, mothers generally sought to fulfill children�s expressed role choice.� (Clark 2007: 292) �The adult role as an appreciative audience was amply noted by young informants who reportedly �showed off� their fictive selves and were generally praised for the display.� (Clark 2007: 293) �Adults were said to be a receptive, supportive audience. Children generally liked having parents present during the �march� around school, and admitted to disappointment when a parent missed the parade. The Halloween parade, I was told time and again, is fun for children in large part because of providing a chance to see and be seen in costume.� (Clark 2007: 293) The priceless child Cherubs appear fairly early in Chinese history but they are not entirely analogous to the cherubs that arose in Victorian times. There is evidence of Chinese indulgence of children through the gift of toys, on the one hand. On the other, cherubs were under a heavy burden to progress with academic subjects to succeed in the frequent exams. Hence, peasant children outside the bourgeoisie were often idealized for their, comparatively, carefree lifestyles. Also, there is continuing evidence of a preference for quantity over quality. Barnhart, Richard and Barnhart, Catherine (2002). Images of children in Song painting and poetry. Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 21-56). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii. �From the late eleventh century on, buffalo herd boys exemplify for many scholars and officials the simple life far away from ceremony, ritual, and social obligation. � Testifying to the popularity of the herd-boy theme is the huge number of paintings of the subject produced for the Southern Song court in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries.� (Barnhart 2002: 53) �During the Song period [there are pictures] of the knickknack or toy peddler. In typical works of this genre we see numerous mischievous and excited children gathering around the portable stand of a peddler whose wares include a great array and variety of the popular children�s toys and knickknacks of the time.(Barnhart 2002: 54). Many pictures of this genre were painted by a court artist named Li Song (active 1190-1230).� (Barnhart 2002: 55) Bartholomew, Terese Tse (2002). One hundred children: From boys at play to icons of good fortune. in Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 57-81). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii. �The theme of boys playing in a garden was an established subject in the paintings of the Song dynasty (960-1279). �Variously known as yingxitu, �pictures of boys at play,� and baizitu, �pictures of a hundred boys,� illustrations of boys playing in a garden appear frequently in the decoration of Ming and Qing porcelain, textiles, lacquerware, and other minor arts.� �The �hundred boys� is an allusion to�King Wu (r. 1122-1115 B.C.), who had twenty-four wives and ninety-nine sons. One day at Yanshan, he found an infant in a thunderstorm, and he adopted the baby so that he could have a total of one hundred sons. King Wen thus established the ideal, and his one hundred sons became a popular motif in Chinese art. As a symbol for male progeny, the baizi theme was used to decorate any object bearing a wish for numerous offspring, especially items for the bridal chamber, including quilt covers, curtains, and valances for the wedding bed.� (Bartholomew 2002: 57)� �Usually well-dressed, these �noble sons� frolic in the gardens of the upper class.� (Bartholomew 2002: 76) �Song dynasty paintings depicted lively and varied scenes of children at play that eventually became standard themes for works of art in the Ming dynasty. These themes, such as groups of boys playing at school or pretending to be officials riding in procession, were repeated in various media including porcelain, lacquer, and textiles.� (Bartholomew 2002: 58) �The toys and games that became such important symbols in the Ming and Qing periods had their roots in the Song dynasty.� (Bartholomew 2002: 58) Associated Press 2010. Pope urges respect for embryos. Nov. 27th. �Pope Benedict XVI has called for�world leaders to show more respect for human life at its earliest stages by saying embryos are dynamic, autonomous individuals.� Chapter Four: It Takes a Village Who�s Your Mommy? Shahbazi, Mohammed (2001). The Qashqa�i nomads of Iran: Formal education. Nomadic Peoples. 5(1): 37-64. Formerly nomadic Turkic tribe. Describes a process whereby the weanling [�banishment from the mother�s breast�], rejected by its mother goes to others who�re eating to ask for food. p. 54. Fouts, Hillary N. and Brookshire, Robyn A. (2009). Who feeds children? A child�s-eye-view of caregiver feeding patterns among the Aka foragers in Congo. Social Science & Medicine (69): 285�292. Children between 2 and 4 receive more food in total from alloparents than from their mothers. ��it is striking to note that juvenile relatives provided food as much as adult female relatives, and nearly as much as elderly female relatives. Since birth order did not predict levels of child feeding by juvenile relatives, one could assume that even if a child is first born, with no older siblings, they are still receiving care from cousins.� (p. 290). �The family transition to having a new infant was related to increased child feeding involvement by adult female kin�� (p. 291) Clark, Gracia (1994) Onions are My Husband: Survival and Accumulation by West African Market Women. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Less than half of the Kumasi traders who have young children bring them to market. Instead, they resolve the conflict by delegating childcare to others at home; in every age category, women delegate child minding at least twice as often as cooking. They can do so with relatively (Clark 1994: 357) few negative repercussions because Asante culture embeds childcare in lineage relations.� (Clark 994: 358) Meehan, Courtney L. (2009) Maternal time allocation in two cooperative childrearing societies. Human Nature, 20: 375-393. �Despite the fact that Aka[forager] and Ngandu[farmer] mothers carry their infants with them during subsistence activities, the frequency of maternal caregiving and maternal intimacy is negatively associated with work activities.� (Meehan 2009: 389) ��older infants being larger, heavier, and more costly in terms of energy expenditure, thereby making it more difficult for mothers to perform subsistence-related tasks and engage in caregiving simultaneously�making allomaternal assistance all the more necessary.� (Meehan 2009: 389) ��when high-quality allomaternal care is available, Aka mothers reduce caregiving and spend more time in subsistence-economic activities. Contrary to predictions, this trend was not apparent among the Ngandu. However, as predicted, allomothers in both populations target their investment during an infant�s time of need.� (Meehan 2009: 389) Meehan, Courtney L. (2009) Maternal time allocation in two cooperative childrearing societies. Human Nature, 20: 375-393. �Despite the fact that Aka[forager] and Ngandu[farmer] mothers carry their infants with them during subsistence activities, the frequency of maternal caregiving and maternal intimacy is negatively associated with work activities.� (Meehan 2009: 389) ��older infants being larger, heavier, and more costly in terms of energy expenditure, thereby making it more difficult for mothers to perform subsistence-related tasks and engage in caregiving simultaneously�making allomaternal assistance all the more necessary.� (Meehan 2009: 389) ��when high-quality allomaternal care is available, Aka mothers reduce caregiving and spend more time in subsistence-economic activities. Contrary to predictions, this trend was not apparent among the Ngandu. However, as predicted, allomothers in both populations target their investment during an infant�s time of need.� (Meehan 2009: 389) McCorkle, Thomas (1965) Fajardo�s People: Cultural Adjustment in Venezuela; and the Little Community in Latin American and North American Contexts. Latin American Studies, vol. 1. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center. �Some lower-class Venezuelans who live in the desert south side of Margarita island also are Ind�genas Guayqueries, or Native Guayqueries of the island of Margarita.� (McCorkle 1965: 11) �Their community is called El Poblado, the inhabited place. It consists of several miles of rolling, desert land that has xerophytic vegetation and supports few animals other than insects and lizards. It includes about five miles of coastline on the south shore of the island.� (Mccorkle 1965: 11) �The Guayqueries make their living by selling fish, hammocks, and pottery, melons and vegetables, and their personal services to the peoples of the adjacent city of Porlamar and of continental eastern Venezuela.� (McCorkle 1965: 11) �Infants spend a good deal of time lying in tiny hammocks especially made for them, others are continually being handed about from one to another member of the house group, including boys ages as young as five or six years. During the first year of life the child acquires two or four godparents.� (McCorkle 1965: 72) �Small children of both sexes run about naked. Margaritans of any age are rarely alone and children, especially, are almost continuously in direct touch with the skin of some other person. A toddler is put under the charge of some relative six or seven years old who is a member of his house group and who is responsible for his safety, for amusing him, and for keeping him reasonably clean. When I told one informant that my own children spend a good deal of time alone and have separate rooms of their own he said that this would drive a Margaritan crazy.� (McCorkle 1965: 73) Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �Infants are present when neighbors visit the home. On these occasions relatives, identified by kinship terms, are repeatedly indicated to the child.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 29) �Children are also taught to teach their younger brothers and sisters. A mother may ask her daughter, for example, to assist in teaching a baby to walk.� Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 32) �Older brothers initiate Guara children in the art of fishing. Youngsters of about five years of age are taken by their older brothers to fish for arenca at the side of the ca�o.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 35) Infant care Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: socialization among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �The Nurzay live all year round in black tents of goat hair. �For transportation, they use up to four camels per household. They breed the camels themselves and also make use of the camels� wool.� (Casimir 2010: 4) �When a woman is in labour, all male members of the family have to leave the tent; only women, especially older experienced women and preferably from the same household, assist in the delivery.� (Casimir 2010: 13) �The baby is swaddled (ghumdak kawal) with a blanket (tiltak) that is wrapped around it twice and then fixed with strips of cloth (sizni). Swaddling continues for about one year. �Most of the time, the baby lays in its hammock, attatched to the tent poles, is face covered with a dark cloth. When adults are busy outside the tent, the hammock is rocked gently with a string tied to it by children or neighbours who are not busy.� (Casimir 2010: 15) �Asked why infants are swaddled, women explained that �the newborn baby�s flesh is oma (lit. unripe) like uncooked meat, and that only by swaddling will it become strong (chakahosi) and solid like cooked (pokh) meat�all people in Afghanistan do it like that.�� (Casimir 2010: 16) ��the observation among Nurazy nomads that a baby sometimes started to whimpering or even crying when it was unwrapped from its �cocoon� for feeding and/or cleaning purposes and it was immediately quiet again when wrapped and tied up again.� (Casimir 2010: 17) �During the first eighteen months, an infant is never left alone, and if its mother is not nearby, a sibling or another person will gently rock the hammock; if it cries, it is taken out and comforted by rocking in the caregiver�s arms or lap, accompanied by seeking s sometimes by singing of songs. But if this as no soothing effect, this person either calls for the mother or takes the infant out of the hammock and carries it to her to be fed. When the mother is too far away or unable to nurse the baby for other reasons, it is sometimes give to the grandmother who puts it to her breast to console it. If the mother cannot suckle her child or does not have enough milk, any other women even from another clan, can act as a wet nurse.� (Casimir 2010: 18) �After forty days, a feast (shalweshtey) is given if the child is a boy, and all the neighbours come together bringing fresh break covered with gee (ghori). Here, only the women are present. One or several of the flatbreads are held about half a metre over the ground, and the child and an old woman (not necessarily a relative) turns the child three times round the breads without saying a word. This ritual marks the end of the postpartum period for the parent.� (Casimir 2010: 21) Discussions re swaddling as reducing the effort of infant care vs the formation of the child�s character. Mead, Margaret (1954). The swaddling hypothesis: Its reception. American Anthropologist (56): 395-409. ��the idea of swaddling is peculiarly horrifying to Americans, one of whose major commitments is to freedom of movement.� (p. 405) Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. ��Bakkarwal, Muslin nomadic pastoralists in Jammu and Kashmir�� (Rao 1998: 1) �Children are rarely named by their parents before they are four.� (Rao 1998: 81) �A baby is kept swaddled (juran) �for its comfort� till it begins to crawl (godni karan). Too much kicking about (kisiti marnan) is not considered healthy for the little arms and legs.� (Rao 1998: 93) Franco, Patricia, Seret, Nicole, Van Hees, Jean-No�l, Scaillet, Sonia, Groswasser, Jos� and Kahn, Andr� (2005). Influence of swaddling on sleep and arousal characteristics of healthy infants. Pediatrics, (115): 1307-1311 �The study showed that, when infants between 6 and 16 weeks of age sleep swaddled and supine, they sleep longer, spend more time in NREM sleep, and awake less spontaneously than when not swaddled. These findings are reminiscent of previous reports of an increase in sleep continuity among swaddled infants.� (p. 1309) Maestripieri, Dario (2007) Macachiavellian Intelligence: How Rhesus Macaques and Humans Have Conquered the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �Children use all the Machiavellian psychological tricks at their disposal to get what they want. Rhesus infants and human children pull their tricks from the same bag. Wearing your parents out with constant hysterical crying is so basic it�s not even considered a trick. Pretending to be younger and needier than you really are is a good trick. So, instead of showing more independence and more mature behaviors as they grow older, infants and children regress to the behaviors of an earlier age. �After they�ve been denied their mother�s milk, rhesus infants throw themselves on the ground and lie there belly-up, shaking and screaming as if they are having an epileptic seizure, then all of a sudden become motionless (but peek at their mothers every now and then to see if they are looking). Human babies have similar strategies.� (Maestripieri 2007: 122) Phillipe Rochat provides an excellent survey of the process whereby infants and children ingratiate themselves with resource-rich individuals. This is the other side of the story told in this chapter. That is, the chapter is mostly about the child�s caretakers. However, children appear to be endowed from birth with a suite of behaviors that enhance the chances that those who are older, more competent and who have access to desired resources will provide care and assistance. Rochat, Phillipe (2009) Others in Mind: Social Origins of Self-Consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �The fear of rejection determines how humans relate to each other.� (Rochat 2009: 21) �The exacerbated need of humans to affiliate and bind to others probably evolved as an adaptation to their extraordinary prolonged immaturity and helplessness outside the womb. This adaptation is also associated with an exacerbated fear of separation, a fear eventually evolving to become the human fear of rejection, matrix of all human fears.� (Rochat 2009: 25) �There seems to be a universal dichotomy and permanent, ongoing attempts at reconciling two perspectives on the self: a private, embodied first-person perspective and a public, third-person�With old age, in particular deteriorating physical and mental abilities, the gap between the two perspectives on the self becomes increasingly difficult to reconcile.� (Rochat 2009: 27) �The image in Figure 2 shows Melanesian children on the island Tanna in Vanuatu (in the South Pacific) contemplating and being very much enticed by their appearance on the pivoted viewer of the video camera filming them live. I took this picture of my traveling companion while visiting a remote �Kustom� village, a very traditional village with no electricity, nor modern amenities �the life of these children is still very much regulated by stable collective activities and ritual that all seem to promote social fusion of the individual in the group rather than self-promotion. In such small traditional societies, sticking out as an individual from the group is not valued. Yet, the fascination and inclination to contemplate the self seem universal, as demonstrated in this picture.� (Rochat 2009: 29) �In comparison to other primates, human infants appear to be born too soon. �Various theories are proposed as to why humans are born too soon in comparison to other closely related species. One speculation is that (Rochat 2009: 62)�the emergence of bipedal locomotion in human evolution changed the configuration of the pelvis bone and as a consequence narrowed considerably the birth canal. This, in turn, limited the maximal cranial growth of the fetus in order to pass through the canal safely. All this might have channeled a precipitated human birth and an adaptation toward a continuing gestation outside the womb.� (Rochat 2009: 63) 2 months old. �Other research points to the fact�that infants become astutely sensitive to regularities in their environment. They begin to expect certain things to happen and other not to happen. They show surprise and apparent dismay when they are not confirmed in the expectations.� (Rochat 2009: 72) �By fourteen months, multiple experiments demonstrate that children begin to imitate�There is clear evidence of children taking the perspective of others, projecting and identifying with others. As show in Figure 3, if an adult presses a push-on switch to turn on a light by bending forward to hit the switch with his or her forehead, a rather cumbersome way of doing it, the child will do the same (Rochat 2009: 83). By at least 14 months, children are explicitly attuned to the intentions or rational action plans of an adult, even though it would be much more economical simply to press the push-on light switch by using one hand, an action the child would be perfectly capable of performing.� (Rochat 2009: 84) ��without attachment and object relations, infants would not survive. They would not survive because they would lack the basic propensity or drive to maintain proximity with the resources they depend upon�with its inherent counterpart: the fear of separation.� (Rochat 2009: 156) �One could easily presume that the drive to own, and not to share, in the young children of the favela, and particularly the street kids of Recife, might be different from that of the privileged children of Rio. Our research shows that it is not. All of these children demonstrate the same developmental trend toward a significant decrease in selfishness and increase in more equitable sharing between three and five years.� (Rochat 2009: 179) �In our cross-cultural study of mirror self-recognition, we observed over a hundred children living in small rural communities of Kenya in Africa, (Rochat 2009: 215) recording their reaction to the mirror after a yellow sticker was surreptitiously placed on their forehead. These children were aged between two and seven years. To our great surprise, only 2 of the 104 children tested �passed� the mirror test by either just touching or removing the mark. This is in sharp contract to the vast majority of two-year-old Western children, who are typically reported passing the mirror test by which they show an explicit sense of mirror self-recognition.� (Rochat 2009: 216) �Kenyan children do express a normative sense of the self that they unquestionably recognize in the mirror. They recognize themselves with the sticker on them, but they do not know whether it would be a transgression to touch and remove it. We think that these children, and contrary to North American children, question the anomaly in relation to a strong sense of the adult authority that surrounds them.� (Rochat 2009: 216) �More often than not, Western children are encouraged to take individual initiatives; Kenyan children are not, and this likely explains the sharp differences in responses between the two groups.� (Rochat 2009: 216) Takada, Akira (2010). Changes in developmental trends of caregiver�child Interactions among the San: Evidence from the !Xun of Northern Namibia. African Study Monographs, Suppl.40: 155-177. Contrasts sedentary !Xun with historically nomadic Ju|�hoansi. Among the !Xun, other �caregivers held focal children in age groups zero, one, and two for 16, 14, and 12% of the observation time, respectively. This indicates that people other than mothers also considerably held children in this age range. As was the case in regard touching, these caregivers were mainly siblings or cousins of the focal child, and most were female and resided with the focal child� Hirasawa (2005) reported that among the Baka�Pygmy peoples, mothers relied more on their older children, who were 6 to 10 years old, than on their husbands or other women who were not taking care of their own children. Hirasawa postulated that sedentarization and the introduction of cultivation reduced the unit size for production and consumption, and consequently the importance of children as caretakers of younger children increased (Hirasawa, 2005: 368-371).� (p. 165). Hirasawa, A. 2005. Infant care among the sedentarized Baka hunter-gatherers in Southeastern Cameroon. In (B.S. Hewlett & M.E. Lamb, eds.) Hunter-gatherer Childhoods: Evolutionary, Developmental, and Cultural Perspectives, pp. 365-384. New Brunswick, NJ: Aldine Transaction �I have shown that caregivers among various groups of the San frequently hold infants in standing or jumping positions on their laps, beginning several weeks after birth. I call this �gymnastic� behavior. I have postulated that gymnastic behavior is one of the major techniques used to soothe fretful infants before the onset of unaided walking (p. 166).� ��activities performed by !Xun child groups differed considerably from those performed by their Ju|�hoan counterparts. As a result of earlier weaning, toddlers among the !Xun often participated in multi-aged child groups. Older siblings or cousins habitually took care of these youngsters. Further analysis showed that older siblings or cousins often took younger children to participate in a multi-aged child group. Initially, the youngsters often clung to their older siblings or cousins, but they gradually broadened their range of social activities. The multi-aged child group provided a place and opportunity for socialization. Additionally, older children (usually over five years old) often engaged in routine housework, such as processing mahangu powder by pounding the crop seeds with a wooden mortar and pestle. (p. 171).� Common to both: frequent nursing, gymnastic behavior, low fertility. Found only in !Xun: sibcare and integration of toddler into multi-age playgroup, weaning at 2 (rather than 3-4 or later) (p. 173). Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Whenever a baby cries or fusses, mothers usually offer their breasts right away. Weaning occurs when the child is becoming too big for the mother to carry on her back when she goes foraging.� (Marlowe 2010: 198) Fortes, Meyer (1938/1970) Social and Psychological Aspects of Education in Taleland. In John Middleton (Ed.), From Child to Adult: Studies in the Anthropology of Education. Pp. 14-74. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. �An infant remains confined to the house for the first three to six months or even longer.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 27) Edel, May M. (1957/1996) The Chiga of Uganda, 2nd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. �The western part of Uganda is a land of great contrasts. �Most of the Chiga, well over 100,000 by all estimates, live clustered in small hamlets in�the most densely settled and intensively cultivated part of Uganda. �Slash-and-burn farming, practiced for generation�the Chiga grow their millet and corn and peas, and tend their flocks of sheep and goats, and their few rather scrawny cattle.� (Edel 1957/1996: 1) �When a mother dies in childbed the father is in a very difficult position. The only situation is to find a foster-grandmother who can nurse the child. The Chiga insist that even a grandmother can do this; any woman who has borne a child in the past can produce milk again if a child is set to her breast earnestly enough. Cases were pointed out to me of people who had been rescued in this way in their infancy.� (Edel 1957/1996: 72) �Chiga children, like Topsy, just grow. They learn the ways of their culture by observation and participation, and only occasionally by precept.� (Edel 1957/1996: 173)# �On the whole the baby�s body is treated as rather tough. � When a mother holds a baby out, or hands it over for someone else to hold, she may swing it casually by one arm, as though it were snugly and strongly of one compact piece.� (Edel 1957/1996: 173) �Not only the baby�s own mother, but many other women and children, will pick it up, fondle it, kiss it on the lips, coo at it, dangle it rhythmically while singing to it, and so forth. Most babies enjoy the contacts with many people, which occur at any casual gathering; some, however, tend to retreat into mother�s arms. This, the Chiga deem as unfortunate sulkiness, a sign of an unpleasant bad-tempered disposition.� (Edel 1957/1996: 174) �Unlike many other East African peoples, the Chiga have no ban on intercourse during lactation. A child is given the breast until another child is on the way. Only then is a determined effort made to wean it.� (Edel 1957/1996: 174) �As soon as the baby is able to sit by itself it is left alone on the ground. No special point is ever made about not eating things picked up from the ground.� (Edel 1957/1996: 174) �Its first efforts to stand and walk are encouraged and assisted.� (Edel 1957/1996: 174) �It is also joggled up and down on its mother�s knees.� (Edel 1957/1996: 174) �The babies seemed to me rather silent and not given to making many random speech sounds. � No baby talk is ever used to them, and the only baby pronunciation which is allowed to persist is in proper names. � As the child passes from the status of baby to that of toddler, it continues to live in an indulgent and protective atmosphere.� (Edel 1957/1996: 175) Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �Cradles varied in shape and elaboration, poor households perhaps affording only a box or a casket�occupants were prone to accidents. �In once case, a girl of sixteen weeks was found, apparently dead, dangling from her cradle by an arm; in another a baby was improperly secured and fell out, hanging from the object by its feet from dawn till prime.� (Orme 2003: 62) Wealthy had lower child mortality higher fertility. �By about the age of six months, children are on the move: rolling, crawling, and finally standing and walking. This is both joyous and dangerous, for them and their elders. In a wealthy medieval household, there would be servants to keep watch.� (Orme 2003: 66) �The baby in the cradle might be caught in straps or cords, crushed by the fall of stones from the wall, burnt in a fire, choked by smoke, or attacked by an animal�pigs were a particular source of danger, wandering into houses through open doors.� Orme 2003: 99)�When accidents happened, the question arose what the parents were doing. ...gone on long errands: to fetch ale, to attend church, or to work in the fields. Absent parents might provide a suitable baby-sitter; one hears of a girl watching a child in its cradle while the mother met with a fatal accident outside. At other times the guardian was too young, like John Cok, a boy of five who was left to look after his one-year-old brother William at Hilperton in 1369. While he was in charge, the cradle caught fire and the baby died. �Coroners� inquests did not usually criticize parents.� (Orme 2003: 100) MacKenzie, Maureen Anne (1991) Androgynous Objects: String bags and Gender in Central New Guinea. Reading Berkshire, UK: Harwood. Note Bilum is ubiquitous string bag found throughout the New Guinea Highlands. �After a woman has given birth, the baby remains in close contact with the mother, nestled within, the airy but secure space, men am [inside of the bilum, literally bilum house] which hangs constantly from the mother�s head, providing the external equivalent of the man am [womb, literally child house] from which the infant originated. Often the �cradle� is worn hanging above the chest, somewhat in the manner of a marsupial pouch (a natural object which, it will be remember is also referred to by the term bilum in Melanesian pidgin) so that the infant is not jostled against taro tubers, and can if necessary be suckled in route while the mother�s hands remain free for foraging. (MacKenzie 1991: 130)�The fabric of the women�s bags was believed to create a sanctuary which offered asylum from powerful external forces.� (MacKenzie 1991: 131) Paradise, Ruth (1996). Passivity or tacit collaboration: Mazahua interaction in cultural context. Learning and Instruction, 6(4): 379-389.##"Once past early infancy babies must do more than cry to produce the situation that will satisfy their hunger; they must take the initiative and find their way to a mother's breast. Even when a mothers holds a nursing baby in her arms she frequently has a distracted air and pays almost no attention to the baby." (Paradise 1996: 382)##"A heavy-set woman is seated on the ground behind the produce she is selling, her legs stretched out straight in front of her. Two boys, a 2-year-old and a 3-year-old are playing on top of her legs. The older boy is lying on his back lengthwise along the woman's legs, the younger sitting astride him at his waist "galloping," both laughing. Their movements are irregular and they occasionally slide off the woman's legs. When this happens they stop their play long enough to get back in position and then start it again. The woman meanwhile chews on something, brows knit lightly, hands unengaged. She looks at what's going on around her and occasionally at the children on her legs, either with no change of expression or with a fleeting smile." (Paradise 1996: 382)##"Her explicit behavior, however, is clearly of passive nature as regards the play itself: she does not join in, her observance of it is intermittent, and she maintains an emotional distance." (Paradise 1996: 382)##"A mother is sitting on the ground within the marked-off space from which she sells her produce. Her 3 to 3-and-a-half year old boy...moved to a spot directly in front of her, in between her and the produce, and sits on the ground facing her. He places all his attention on peeling green tomatoes from a pile on the ground in front of him." (Paradise 1996: 383) Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �Nso villagers understood themselves as a collective with a strong opinion about what is right and wrong with respect to childrearing goals. This commonality is important because children are regarded as communal obligations. There is a saying: �A child belongs to a single person while in the womb, and after birth he or she belongs to everybody.� Interdependence is the thread of the communal social fabric.� (Keller 2007: 105) Authors conclude from modeling studies that, when conditions are stable, vertical (from parents) learning is more efficient, when unstable, oblique (from others) is favored. (McElreath 2008: 315) McElreath, Richard and Strimling, Pontus 2008. When natural selection favors imitation of parents. Current Anthropology 49 (2): 307-316 �Given the tremendous attention paid to parents and parenting in popular culture, one might think that the science of parents� social influence had been worked out long ago. In contrast to the situation in the genetic arena, where the fact that every child has exactly two biological parents who contribute approximately equal amounts of hereditary material has led to powerful deductions about behavior and evolution, in the cultural arena surprisingly little is known about how much behavior and belief children acquire from their parents via social learning.� (McElreath 2008: 307) �Some anthropologists have claimed evidence of the importance of transmission of culture from parents to children (vertical transmission), at least in some domains [but] parent-offspring correlations observed in young children may not persist when the children are older and have been exposed to many other cultural models. In one [study of] the transmission of food taboos in the Ituri Forest, the analysis suggests that, while initial taboos are acquired from parents, later horizontal adult transmission has a huge effect on the resulting pattern of variation [the author] further argued that self-report of parental influence often reflects a normative reporting bias.� (McElreath 2008: 307) Crittenden, Alyssa and Marlowe, Frank W. (2008) Allomaternal care among the Hadza of Tanzania. Human Nature, 19(3): 249-262. �Our results indicate that related allomothers spend the largest percentage of time holding children. The higher the degree of relatedness among kin, the more time they spend holding, supporting the hypothesis of nepotism as the strongest motivation for providing allomaternal care. Unrelated helpers of all ages also provide a substantial amount of investment, which may be motivated by learning to mother, reciprocity, or coercion.� (Crittenden 2008: 249) Meehan, Courtney (2008). Cooperative breeding in humans: An examination of childcare networks among foragers and farmers. Paper presented at American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. Summary: # of allomothers high among Ngandu farmers and Aka foragers. Aka babies have more caretakers, average over 19, Ngandu = nearly 12. Meehan makes the point that mothers rely on a network of allomothers, not just one or two key substitute caretakers. All older kin, fathers, grandmothers, brothers, sisters, aunts and uncles can provide adequate care but no single relative is vital, the mothering role can be traded off. Barry S. Hewlett (2008) Non-maternal breastfeeding among foragers. Paper presented at American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. Summary: Evidence of non-longer reproducing grandmothers nursing infants whose mothers had died or were ill and their milk glands were activated. Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �When Miang Tuu babies are awake, they are constantly in the care of close relatives and are for long periods the focus of attention. Babies are often hugged and kissed by their mothers, fathers, grandparents, and young caretakers.� (Broch 1990: 29) Infant Care De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology (pp. 3-23). New York: Free Press. �Every baby born is the reincarnation of some maternal relative who has died.� (De Laguna 1965: 5) �The resemblance to a dead ancestor, the mother�s dream, the dying relative�s announcement of his intended return, or some other sign, will indicate who the baby really is; the name which he receives confirms and establishes this identity. Many babies are said to recognize the relatives in their former lives, perhaps refusing at first from shyness to suck at their new mother�s breast because she is really a sister or a niece.� (De Laguna 1965: 5) �Over the entire carrier was a skin cover that laced down the front, within which the baby was rigidly confined, leaving only the head free. �It keeps them straight so they don�t get broken bones.� (De Laguna 1965: 6) �During the day while the mother worked, the baby carrier might be propped up against a box beside her.� (De Laguna 1965: 6) �The first carrier was used for about three or four months; then a larger one was made in which the child was kept until he was big enough to learn to walk.� (De Laguna 1965: 6) �Thus the tendon from the hind leg of a wolf might be tied around his ankle so he would be swift when chasing bears and mountain goats. Or a tiny splinter of wolf bone might be broken over his forehead, or his hammock might be made of wolf skin. The slime from a bear�s mouth rubbed on a boy would make him brave.� (De Laguna 1965: 7) ��Nowadays people realize children should be active. In the old days they wanted the child to be quiet.�� (De Laguna 1965: 9) Gottlieb, Alma (2000) Where Have All the Babies Gone? Toward an Anthropology of Infants (and Their Caretakers). Anthropological Quarterly, 73(3): 121-132. Author claims there�s a dearth of anthropological research on infancy. Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �The Baining use mode of locomotion as a means of delineating physical age. A newborn baby is carried in an adult�s arms or in a cloth tied across the chest. In answer to the question �how old is he [or she]?� a child of this age is described as ta tal ka (ki) (they carry him [her]). After the age of five or six months, parents begin to carry their children on their shoulders. This form of transportation requires that the child have some sense of balance and support, and take some part in maintaining his or her posture, usually by grasping his or her parent�s hair (although parents frequently support the child with one hand if needed (Fajans 1997: 86)�A toddler goes on his own legs. An older child who has become even more independent (e.g., boys and girls of the seven to nine range) is said to ka (ki) tit mas (he [she] goes fully), meaning that he or she goes for water, firewood, gathering, wandering in the bush.� (Fajans 1997: 87) �A baby is a bundle of uncontrolled natural processes, constantly carried by the parents. An infant starts out as a �physical� extension of the mother and father. First he or she is carried in their arms, still close to their bodies�The Baining do not encourage their children to crawl; in fact more often than not, even when a child is at the crawling state, he or she spends most of the time on an adult�s lap of being carried by a sibling�Crawling and toddling are not periods of exploration and learning for a Baining child; they are periods of passivity. In addition to physical immobility, a baby does not understand the spoken word that is used to restrain, educate, and socialize, �When I was small, they spoke to me, but I did not hear�Children are socialized in clear places, either the village or the garden�They are carried through the bush, an unclear place, until they reach the gardens.� (Fajans 1997: 89) Karplus, Z. and Karplus, M. (1989) Cultural variations in child caretaking practices among the Negev Bedouins: Implications for the management of developmental disabilities. Paper presented at the 4th World Congress, WAIPAD, CH-Lugano. Negev Bedouins keep their infants in dark areas of the tents to protect them from the sand and the wind of the desert, thereby also avoiding almost all social contact with other persons Cited in Sch�lmerich, Axel, Leyendecker, Birgit, and Keller, Heidi (1995) The study of early interaction contextual perspective: Culture, communication, and eye contact. In Child Development Within Culturally Structured Environments: Comparative�Cultural and Constructivist Perspectives, Edited by Jaan Valsiner, (pp. 29-50). Norwood, NJ: Ablex. (p. 31) Howard, Alan (1973) Education in �Aina Pumehana: The Hawaiian-American student as hero. In Solon T. Kimball, Jacquette H. Burnett (Eds.), Learning and Culture. Pp. 115-129. Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. �Food was therefore offered to crying infants even when it seemed clear to field workers that the child was not hungry, but distressed for other reasons. There were even some reports of infants being fed when their distress was more likely to be the result of overeating.� (Howard 1973: 118). Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �The cradle, takhte (which also means board, platform, bed), is made ready after the baby is born.� (Frield 1997: 82) �A baby may be strapped onto the cradle for many hours even while it is awake. Its field of vision is free of bed boards or other boundaries, unless it is covered by a blanket, but movement is limited to the head�One of a cranky toddler�s options to deal with discontent is to crawl to the cradle and hug it or to demand to be strapped to it�A boy infant needs less cleaning and changing of diaper-rags than a girl because his penis can be stuck into a wooden or metal pipe that drains into a can hung outside the cradle footboard. Baby girls are wet pretty much all the time�wet and uncomfortable because they do not have a penis, women explain.� (Frield 1997: 83) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �Modjukoto, the town in which this study was undertaken, lies within the culture-area of central Java, but as its eastern edge and some distance from the influence of the courts of Djokjakarta and Surakarta.� (Geertz 1961: 5) �The child is carried on the left hip of the mother (in order to free her right hand for polite giving and receiving and eating), which means that his right hand and arm are pinned between his body and his mother�s, and the natural gesture in this position is to reach for things with the free left hand.� (Geertz 1961: 100) �As his muscles begin to develop he is dandled on his mother�s or father�s lap a good deal and given a chance to try to stand, but only when he can actually stand and squat and totter along by himself is he permitted any freedom�Toilet training is a matter of little concern.� (Geertz 1961: 101) �A mother when nursing her little boy will often pat him gently on the penis, or, if she is bathing him, affectionately rub it. A baby�s erection is received with pleasure and more ruffling. Little girls� genitals seem to receive less attention, yet even then get an occasional playful pinch. An infant�s handling of the genitals receives no attention; but when a little boy receives trousers (at the age of about four or five) there begins a steady teasing to teach him modesty of dress, and girls receive this treatment even earlier. I observed no genital manipulation by children over five or so; and no sexual play between children.� (Geertz 1961: 102) Harkness, Sara and Super, Charles (2006). Themes and variations: Parental ethnotheories in Western cultures. In Kenneth H. Rubin and Ock Boon Chung, Ock Boon (Eds.), Parenting Beliefs, Behaviors, and Parent-Child Relations: A Cross-Cultural Perspective. Pp. 61-79. New York: Psychology Press. �The �3 Rs� of child-rearing, which in Dutch are expressed as rust (rest), regelmaat (regularity, and reinheid (cleanliness). With the last of these easily taken care of by the daily bath, parents focused on a great deal of care and attention on providing adequate rest or sleep in a regularly scheduled day.� (Harkness 2006: 68) �The American parents described their child�s sleep patterns as innate and developmentally driven, the Dutch parents hardly mentioned these ideas and instead spoke frequently about the importance of a regular sleep schedule, which they saw as fundamental to healthy growth and development��He wakes up a couple of times a night.� (Harkness 2006: 68)��He was up most of the night as a brand-new baby�So the doctor said to let him cry. That was effective when we could stand it, but both of us�it drives us crazy. He could cry for 45 minutes. There were nights when he would not cry, but scream and shriek for 45 minutes�� (Harkness 2006: 69) Many parents stressed the importance of a regular schedule, including a set time for both meals and bed�The Dutch babies were more often in a state of �quiet alert,� in contrast to the American babies who were more frequently in an �active alert� state. The higher state of arousal of the American babies corresponded to differences in their mothers� behavior: the American mothers touched and talked to their babies more than the Dutch mothers did.� (Harkness 2006: 69) �The highest frequency American description included �intelligent� and �cognitively advanced� as well as �asks questions.� Along with these qualities, the American parents described their children as �independent� and even �rebellious.� At the opposite extreme were the Italian parents, who described their children as intelligent and never characterized them as cognitively advanced. Instead, these parents talked about their children as being easy, even-tempered, well-balanced, and �simpatico,� a group of characteristics suggesting social and emotional competence further supported by the characterization �asks questions,� which for these families was an aspect of being sociable and communicative.� (Harkness 2006: 73) �The Spanish focus seems to go beyond this, however, as indicated by the high frequencies of the descriptors, �socially mature� and �good character,� suggesting that the cultural model of the child may center around an ideal of the good citizen and family member.� (Harkness 2006: 75) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. ��milk, yogurt, butter, walnuts, dates, eggs�usually is in short supply, but there is always tea and sugar. By age two, children are addicted to tea and sugar. Tea is available at breakfast, lunch, dinner, and in between; it is served to visitors always. At such an occasion, a two-year-old boy drank three small glasses of strong tea wit nine lumps of sugar within minutes. Three-year-old Nilufar burned herself when she tried to pout tea for herself.� (Friedl 1997: 123) �According to various physicians who have practiced in Deh Koh over the years, children suffer from avitaminoses, protein deficiencies, subnutrition, chronic internal parasitic infections including giardiasis and ameobiasis (in 1994, 100 percent of Deh Koh�s children were infected, many with multiple intestinal infections), respiratory infections, eczema, cuts and bruises, bone fractures, eye diseases, toothaches. These conditions account for malnutrition and for feeling unwell much of the time. All drinking water in Deh Koh is polluted with parasites, according to administrative officials. Eating dirt is as much a part of children�s expected behavior as is whining�Geophagy has diminished somewhat but is so common still that it is taken to be just one of the bad habits children will eventually outgrow.� (Friedl 1997: 131) Peek-a-Boo Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Unlike western societies in which eye contact between mother and infant occurs very frequently during breastfeeding, this is rarely observed among the Nurazy women. Mothers look down at their infants mainly when some problem arises.� (Casimir 2010: 22) �Next to the mother, the whole family and even neighbours are often involved in child care, but (despite handling and caressing their babies until weaning) mothers have never been seen engaged in playing with their children.� (Casimir 2010: 46) Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. �The verbal expressions of love and endearment of adults towards small children consists mainly of calling the latter by their pet names. Mothers�and adults generally�were not observed to converse with their young children, tell them stories, sing them songs�.� (Rao 1998: 93) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �After the first four or five months, the baby is handled in a relaxed and supportive manner that may seem gentle but also at times unemotional, almost apathetic. From this point on, mothers do not establish eye contact with their nursing babies regularly as they do with post natal infants. Toddlers are nursed quickly, without overt emotional expression either from the mother of from the child.� (Broch 1990: 31) Sinha, Sudha Rani (1995) Childrearing practices relevant for the growth of dependency and competence in children. In Valsiner (Ed.), Child Development Within Culturally Structured Environments: Comparative�Cultural and Constructivist Perspectives. Pp. 105-137. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. Keep quiet�Don�t stimulate� �Schiff commented that Ganda children seemed to be lacking in curiosity, and active exploration of the environment, as a result of the childrearing practices employed there. At Ibadan, in Western Nigeria, Durojaiye found a significant correlation between the frequency of responses of mothers to their children�s questions and the same children�s intelligence quotients. This is due to the fact that, in African families, children are expected (Sinha 1995: 113) to be seen and not heard. The verbal interaction between the parent and child in minimal.� (Sinha 1995: 114) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �According to local conventional wisdom, a baby does not have its senses until it is three months and ten days old�A baby who, to my understanding, is happily moving arms and legs lying in its mothers lap may be said to be tired and strapped back into a cradle�a happy (rahat, at ease) baby is quiet in voice and body.� (Friedl 1997: 100) Playing with Dolls Raffaele, Paul (2010) Among the Great Apes: Adventures on the Trail of Our Closest Relative. New York: Smithsonian Books. �Richard Wrangham�s latest project is the study of how young chimpanzees play. In original research he has discovered that �the juvenile females cradle dolls in the form of sticks, and the juvenile males use the same sticks as weapons in play. Everyone has access to the same sticks. With humans there are different toys being used by boys and girls. Most people think this is caused by social learning, cultural influences, and so it is striking in the chimpanzees that what we find is that juvenile females carry the sticks as if they were dolls, but the juvenile males sometimes use them to hit other males, using them as clubs or throwing weapons.� (Raffaele 2010: 113) �Richard says that the clearest sign that Kakama treated the log as an imaginary baby was that he would make a small nest next to his own and place the log in it. In western Africa, more than a thousand miles away, young chimpanzee females have also been observed playing with �dolls.� Tetsuro Matsuzawa is a researcher with the Primate Research Institute at Koyto University.� (Raffaele 2010: 113) �Vuavua carried the dead hyrax around for the remainder of the day, and as night approached she made a nest and then lay in it with the hyrax in her arms. �She started to groom the body with her fingers and lips, and held it up in the air with her hands and feet (Just as chip and bonobo mothers do with their babies). We continued to observe her until late in the evening. When, at last, she went to sleep, she did so while holding the hyrax.� Vauvau abandoned her �toy� at noon the next day.� (Raffaele 2010: 114) Goldstein, Dana (2009) Behavioral Theory. The American Prospect, August 24th. Available: # HYPERLINK "/cs/articles?article=behavioral_theory" ##/cs/articles?article=behavioral_theory# ��one of the most innovative -- and controversial -- anti-poverty programs in America. This modest community-based nonprofit is one of six neighborhood partners in the experimental Opportunity NYC program, which pays poor people -- mostly single moms -- for a broad range of health, education, and work-related activities, everything from taking their kids to the dentist to getting a new job to attending parent-teacher conferences.� �A project of Bloomberg's Center for Economic Opportunity, Opportunity NYC is funded entirely by private philanthropies and is modeled after Opportunidades, a successful Mexican program that also uses "conditional cash transfers" -- the social-science term for welfare payments conditioned on "good behavior." Small-scale cash-transfer programs have been tried before in North America: During the 1990s the Canadian Self-Sufficiency Project and Minnesota Family Investment Program offered cash to single parents on welfare who found full-time work. But Opportunity NYC exceeds the scope of those experiments by including rewards for education and health goals as well. Since its September 2007 launch, the New York initiative has paid $10 million to 2,400 families living at or beneath 130 percent of the poverty line -- about $22,000 for a family of three. The typical participating family earned just under $3,000 during Opportunity NYC's first year.� �In April the city published initial results of the trial, which is the largest-ever controlled test of conditional cash transfers in the United States. There have been some notable successes: Only 43 percent of families had a bank account when they enrolled in the program; now over 90 percent of the families have accounts, a requirement for receiving the payments. And families have been very successful at earning the rewards for annual doctor's visits ($200 per family member) and good school attendance in the lower grades ($50 per child every two months). Yet for a program modeled on the idea that intergenerational poverty is, at least in part, a "behavioral" problem that can be modified through free-market incentives, there have also been challenges � Because of child-care problems and low skills, only about 3 percent of Opportunity NYC single moms have been able to find or maintain part-time work while taking a skills-building course, even though the city will pay them $3,000 to do so. Dovetailing with the larger Bloomberg school-reform agenda, the program emphasizes academic achievement. Yet according to the contractors who administer Opportunity NYC and are studying its results, children in the program have not done particularly well on standardized English and math tests or on the New York state Regents examinations required to earn a high school diploma -- perhaps a result of low-performing, segregated neighborhood schools or poverty-related education deficits dating back to infancy or even to a lack of prenatal care.� Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. Children have little need or desire to play with dolls or to play mother, father, and child. Bonerate children are integrated into many daily household chores; they look after babies and toddlers.� (Broch 1990: 110) Hubert, Jane (1974) Belief and reality: Social factors in pregnancy and childbirth. In The Integration of a Child Into a Social World, Edited by Martin P.M. Richards, (pp. 37-51). Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. �South London with a sample of working-class women expecting their first babies.� (Hubert 1974: 40) �Within our society girls and women do not come into close contact with newborn babies. The relative isolation of the nuclear family, at least in terms of dwelling place, means that each woman rears her newborn infant from scratch.� (Hubert 1974: 46) �Like the doll in the mothercraft class, the baby is often thought of as something that lies still in the crook of its mother�s arm during its bath, and unprotestingly lets itself be dressed up in all the pretty clothing. There was sometimes the explicit idea of the baby as a doll: �it will be like having a doll again�something to dress� one woman thought. Another said that the baby was a terrible shock to her �always eating or drying� and she too had thought it would be like having a doll. Many mothers expressed similar emotions. Instead of a quiet, undemanding, doll-like baby, the new mother is often presented with a squalling, starving animal whose needs are both unpredictable and apparently insatiable�Those who were attempting to breastfeed have the worst time, with a very few exceptions, since they found that each feed took ages, and since they did not know how much milk was being taken, they tended to go on and on with each feed more often than necessary since crying would be attributed to hunger.� (Hubert 1974: 47) Toddler Rejection Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. �An unsteady toddler who stumbles is not picked up when it cries: �it must learn on its own�, is the argument. Two crawling infants who shriek after a fight are not helped out: �In life the stronger wins�, is the motto. If food is available, children�especially boys�of all ages eat without waiting for others.� (Rao 1998: 100) Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Hadza adults do very little disciplining or training of children. When a 2-year-old defecates too close to a hearth, for example, adults may make disapproving sounds, take the child�s hand and lead him or her further away. When children are 1 to 3 years of age, they often throw tantrums, during which they may pick up a branch and repeatedly whack people over the head. The parents and other adults merely fend off the blows by covering their heads, laughing all the time. They do not even take the stick away. When the child hits another child who is a little older, however, that child often grabs the stick and hits the little one back. This is the way young children learn they cannot get their way; older children train them. Thus, it is not necessary for adults to discipline them.� (Marlowe 2010: 197) �Children up until they are about 3 years old often cry for long periods when they do not get what they want. They crying can continue literally for hours. Occasionally, a parent may grunt disapproval. Rarely do other adults intervene. � When they is a very legitimate reason for a child to cry, for example, when a scorpion stings it, the mother does rush to pick the child up and inspect it. � An infant may grab a sharp knife, put it in its mouth, and suck on it without adults showing the least bit of concern until they need the knife again. I have not seen infants injure themselves I this way, but they must occasionally. I have seen several children who have burned themselves by falling into the hearth, though the burns are usually not very serious. Children will learn on their own what is dangerous and what they can and cannot get away with. � Five-year-olds fetch anything adults want. Sometimes they fetch things they see the adult will need before they are even asked. For example, when seeing a man getting out his pipe and tobacco, a child may grab an ember form the fire and take it to the man to light the pipe. They never complain. In fact, they seem to enjoy being helpful.� (Marlowe 2010: 198) No toddler rejection� Tronick, Edward Z., Morelli, Gilda and Ivey, Paula K. (1992) The Efe forager infant and toddler's pattern of social relationships: multiple and simultaneous. Developmental Psychology 28(4): 568-577. �Children were seen with 5-month-olds about 29% of the time and with 3-year-olds 62%. However, time spent with adults did not change significantly with the age of the child. Adults were observed in contact with 5-month-olds about 18% of the time. This figure rose to 26% for 3-year-olds.� (Tronick 1992: 572) �It may be that Efe children, given their own early extensive social experience, are as sensitive as adults are or are at least far more sensitive than children without as much early interactive experience.� (Tronick 1992: 575) Her Brother�s Keeper Alyssa N. Crittenden and Frank W. Marlowe (2010). Hard working Hadza children: Implications for the evolution of cooperative breeding in humans. Paper presented at the SCCR/AAACIG meetings, Albuquerque, NM, February 20th. Abstract: Among the Hadza hunter-gatherers of Tanzania, children are active participants in many household chores, provide significant amounts of child care, and routinely collect various types of wild plant foods and hunt small sized prey animals. The collection effort of Hadza children is reported to have a positive effect on a mother�s foraging yield, yet few quantitative data are available on the caloric values of children�s foods and the ways in which children distribute their own foraging yield. Here, data on foraging return rates and consumption of foods collected by children are reported. Due to predator pressure, it is not safe for children to wander far from camp without adult supervision, therefore they typically focus on foods that are close to camp and easy to collect and process. Children collect a significant portion of their daily caloric intake and act as allomothers providing caloric contributions to other children. In addition to providing caloric assistance, children provide childcare to both related and unrelated younger children. The results of this study suggest that children and juveniles may spend up to 20% of their time in camp participating in active childcare. Hadza children not only underwrite the cost of their own care, but also contribute to the care of other children, thereby successfully decreasing some of the energetic burden faced by mothers with multiple dependent offspring. These results highlight two pathways of contributed care that lend support to the notion of humans as cooperative breeders. Juvenile foraging. Afforded when you have: low predation threat; access to water; variability in terrain so children can find their way home. Foraging return does not depend on age but on motivation. Most productive foragers have disabled and unproductive parents. Female foragers do bring back more than males. Males consume more than females while foraging. When I asked Alyssa if she observed any teaching during group foraging trips, she said �It would be like herding cats.� In effect the children fan out as they forage, keeping in contact via calls and singing but there�s relatively little interaction during the actual food collecting period. Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Observations showed that, with the exception of the first few weeks, babies, and later also young infants have more body contact with older siblings than with their mothers, and that they are also cuddled and cared for more by them.� (Casimir 2010: 24) �Older boys often teach younger ones special tasks such as how to tie a turban.� (Casimir 2010: 51) Harris, Judith Rich (1995). Where is the child's environment? A group socialization theory of development. Psychological Review (102): 458-489. �The path of cultural transmission�is from the parents' group to the children's group. Most of the children in a given peer group will have parents who also share a peer group; thus, most of the behaviors and attitudes that one child learns at home will also be learned by the other children in the group. According to Group Socialization theory, any behaviors or attitudes that are common to the majority of the children in the group are accessible to the group as a whole; the children are not compelled to retain them when they are not at home, but they probably will. For example, if the majority of the children learned to speak English and to eat with a spoon and fork at home, they will probably speak English and eat with a spoon and fork in the school cafeteria. Other social influences common to the group (p. 468)� are transmitted in the same way: If the majority of children watch a particular television show, they may incorporate it into their play�The results make it appear that culture is passed from the parent, the teacher, or the media to the individual child. However, according to GS theory, the transmission is not direct: Cultural transmission to individual children passes first through the filter of the children's group. As long as all the children in the peer group come from families that share the same culture and watch the same TV shows, it is difficult to test this hypothesis; there is usually no way of telling whether the children learned their behaviors and attitudes at home or from each other. Consider, however, the child of immigrant parents, whose parents may not speak English, may not use spoons and forks at home, and are not part of the parents' peer group. Their child will pick up the local language and customs from her peers�and will use them when she is not at home. In effect, she has learned them from the parents of her peers.� (p. 469) Boas, Franz 1888 The Central Eskimo. Annual Report of the Bureau of American Ethnology 6:399�669. Boas noted for the Baffin Island Inuit that infants are always carried in their mothers� hoods, but when about a year and a half old they are allowed to play on the bed, and when the mother is engaged in any hard work they are carried by the young girls. [Boas 1888:565�566] Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �Weaning is accomplished by mother and baby living apart. Either the baby may be placed with a neighbor or relative, �like its grand-mother or an aunt,� and left there two or three days, or it may be left in the care of an older sister at home while the mother visits a few days away from home. If the child is not weaned when it is again with its mother, it is separated from the mother once more.� (Hilger 1957: 30) Konner, Melvin (1975) Relations among infants and juveniles in comparative perspective. In Michael Lewis and Leonard A. Rosenblum (Eds.), Friendship and Peer Relations. Pp. 99-129. New York: John Wiley and Sons. �Infants are gradually being lured from her by the attractions of a multi-aged group.� (Konner 1975: 116) �The group will care for, protect, and teach the infant, in the bargain, during the course of play. This makes for a relatively easy transition from mother-dependence to wider sociality.� (Konner 1975: 116) Cassidy, Claire Monod (1980) Benign neglect and toddler malnutrition. In Lawrence S. Greene and Francis E. Johnston (Eds), Social and Biological Predictors of Nutritional Status, Physical Growth, and Neurological Development. Pp. 109-139. New York: Academic Press. (Cassidy 1980) Uses term �benign neglect� to explain toddler rejection� Howard, Alan (1973) Education in �Aina Pumehana: The Hawaiian-American student as hero. In Learning and Culture, Edited by Solon T. Kimball, Jacquette H. Burnett, (pp. 115-129). Seattle, WA: University of Washington Press. �We were also impressed by the apparent discontinuity between the indulgence of infants and rather harsh treatment afforded children after they became mobile (beginning at about two or three years old).� (Howard 1973: 117) ��as children become increasingly mobile and verbal, and acquire the capacity for making more insistent and aggressive demands, their attention-seeking behavior is apt to be seen as an attempt to intrude and control. It is therefore an assault on the privileges of rank, for only the senior-ranking individual in an interaction has a right to make demands. By responding harshly parents are therefore socializing their children to respect the privileges of rank�Although some writers have referred to this altered parental behavior as �rejection,� I regard such a characterization as inappropriate.� (Howard 1973: 119) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �Any space at home is open to children unless or until men, boys, or, to a lesser degree, women, demand it for their purposes (Friedl 1997: 12) �Young children may fall asleep anywhere.� (Friedl 1997: 13) �By the time a child is weaned it has mastered a Deh Koh toddler�s most effective survival strategy: bune gereftan, whining with perseverance (Friedl 1997: 120)�Toddlers grab pieces of sugar whenever they can get their hands on an unwatched sugar bowl (Friedl 1997: 123)�Between two and four years of age a child is said to be weak and pesky�A girvaru or vasveru, [is] a habitually dissatisfied child who whines and throws tantrums excessively�.A mother said about her three-year-old girvaru: �Three times she got wacked today already, twice by me, once by her sister, but she doesn�t give up�only when her brother beats her does she stop her whining�Adults and elder siblings likely will deny any request, interfere in any activity, foil any intention a toddler may initiate or express.� (Friedl 1997: 124) �Most young children in Deh Koh look unkempt and dirty. Fear of the evil eye has decreased markedly in Deh Koh over the past twenty years, but a grimy, �ugly� young child still is taken to be safer from the evil eye that a clean, healthy-looking one�Especially little girls, whose hair is not cut at all or is left to grow longer than boys in any case, easily look �like a broom,� strands of hair tousled, matted, and forever in their eyes (Friedl 1997: 130)�Ali, age two, cut her hair with a pair of scissors she found unattended; two-and-one-half-year-old Behrokh, on wobbly legs, was chasing chickens across the verandah with a long knife in her hand; Daud, eighteen months, had his moth full of tiny glass beads one day, from a box his sister had forgotten to squirrel away.� (Friedl 1997: 136) Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �The cradleboard serves several purposes, one of which is to insure correct posture as the child grows. � A baby in its cradle relieves the mother of its care while she is busy. �even a young child can be assigned to tending a baby, if the baby is in a cradleboard. The child will play with the baby, talk to it, or rock it, by moving the weight of the cradle alternately from one foot to another. � The cradleboard provides a means of transporting the baby on its mother�s back when she walks a short distance.� (Hilger 1957: 25) �It is nursed tied in its cradleboard, resting on its mother�s arm, sitting on its mother�s lap, or standing near its mother.� (Hilger 1957: 30) Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �These continued indulgences are under the impersonal ministration of an older sibling or foster sibling, usually a girl.� (Barnett 1979: 6) Minks, Amanda (2008) Socializing Rights and Responsibilities: Domestic Play among Miskitu Siblings on the Atlantic Coast of Nicaragua. Paper presented at American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. Hierarchy in peer group can be harmonious or conflictive. Play where older siblings tease and frustrate their charges, provoking them to cry, following which they embrace, sooth and comfort them, in the process, deceiving adults who might not have seen Part A. Takada, Akira (2008) Socializing To and Through Children�s Culture: The Emergence of Sibling-Care Among a San Post-Foraging Society. Paper presented at annual meeting, American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, November. As San have become sedentary farmers and birth rate has shot up, infants now cared for by sibs. Sibcare was absent from San foraging culture. de Leon, Lourdes (2008) Authority, Attention, and Affect in Directive/Response Sequences in Mayan Zinacantec Siblings. Paper presented at annual meeting, American Anthropological Association, San Francisco, November. Sib caretakers are quite directive towards charges, assert their superior authority. Idea that there is a trade-off between sib and peer socializing. Having to care for younger sibs may lessen opportunities to interact with peers. Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �The caretaker knows too well that there is no excuse for allowing his charge to cry. The first adults who observes the scene will scold him publicly�Children are no angels, and sometimes when they believe they are unseen they purposely tease their charges�It also seems to make a difference to the caretaker if he has to look after his own sibling or a child from a different household. The youngest children receive somewhat rougher treatment from their own siblings than from other caretakers. One day I observed two children, a boy and a girl, who were looking after their younger siblings. They moved to the edge of the village where the toddlers were teased until they started to cry, to the great amusement of the caretakers. They continued to trouble their charges for a while before they picked them up. Then they returned, hugging the crying youngsters and showing all the villagers how kindly they tried to comfort them!� (Broch 1990: 81) �Both girls and boys are entrusted with the care of younger children.� (Broch 1990: 82) Playing On the Mother Ground Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �[Children are] usually be found playing around the spot where their fathers are working or gossiping.� (Barnett 1979: 6) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �Men mal means in the camp, village, or quarter, depending on context. Together with men tu, in the house, it is contrasted with ve sahra, outside, in the open�all the open places where children are likely to congregate and to play are ve sahra. Garden, vineyard or orchard, field, hill, tape or tell, mountain, and at the river, qualify as biabun, a term connoting deserted places from simply uninhabited space to lonesome, dangerous wilderness. Children ought not to play biabun because they might get lost or meet discomfort and danger. Literally, biabun means a place without water (Frield 1997: 5)�Toddlers are�kept from coming to grief in the streets by whoever is nearby. Despite the vigilance, toddlers are hurt�by falling off a flight of stairs or a verandah. Railings or other toddler-proof safety features are unknown.� (Frield 1997: 129) Going to Grandma�s Place Notermans, Catrien (2004) Sharing Home, Food, and Bed: Paths of Grandmotherhood in East Cameroon. Africa 74(1): 6-27. Kako tribe, agriculturalists. �Throughout my fieldwork in a provincial town in East Cameroon I followed the life of Marie-Lucie�The grandchildren call her maman and their biological mother tantine (�aunty�).� (Notermans 2004: 6-7) �From weaning onwards, children get used to a hierarchical relationship with their mother that disallows public expressions of mother�s emotional and physical commitment to the children. There is no play, no talk, no cuddle; the relationship is one of authority and obedience. In this way children learn to be emotionally independent of the mother and to fit in a wider network of kin who care for them.� (Notermans 2004: 15) �Women put a high value on the contribution of grandmother�s food to the unborn child, more than on the contribution of the biological father�s sperm as women mostly do not live with their husband but with their mother during pregnancy. It is especially through food that grandmothers may appropriate their grandchildren before delivery.� (Notermans 2004: 19) De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology. Pp. 3-23. New York: Free Press. ��The grandchild loves the grandmother more than his own mother and father because the grandmother is always there,� we were told. �We love our grandchildren better than our own children.�� (De Laguna 1965: 8) Anonymous (2008) Grandparents boost kids' development: Aussie study. Reuters, Sept. 30th Accessed: November 11th, 2008. Available: #HYPERLINK "/article/lifestyleMolt/idUKTRE48T0JH30080930"#/article/lifestyleMolt/idUKTRE48T0JH30080930# �The "Growing up in Australia" report is the first comprehensive national study of Australian children over time, Macklin said. More than 10,000 families with children took part in the study, which started in 2004. It showed that children aged from 3 to 19 months had higher learning scores if they were cared for by family and friends�including grandparents�as well as their parents.� (Anon/Rueters 2008: online) "This new study demonstrates just what a critical role grandparents play in the development of children," Federal Families, Housing and Community Services Minister Jenny Macklin was quoted by Australian media as saying.� (Anon/Rueters 2008: online) Study finds that grandmothers make strategic investments, are not equally supportive of all grandchildren. Also fathers don�t matter� Rende Taylor, Lisa (2005) Patterns of child fosterage in rural northern Thailand. Journal of Biosocial Science 37: 333�350. Sear, Rebecca and Mace, Ruth (2008) Who keeps children alive? A review of the effects of kin on child survival. Evolution and Human Behavior 29: 1�18. �Here, we review the evidence for whether the presence of kin affects child survival rates, in order to infer whether mothers do receive help in raising offspring and who provides this help. These 45 studies come from a variety of (mostly) natural fertilitypopulations, both historical and contemporary, across a wide geographical range. We find that in almost all studies, at least one relative (apart from the mother) does improve the survival rates of children but that relatives differ in whether they are consistently beneficial to children or not. Maternal grandmothers tend to improve child survival rates as do potential sibling helpers at the nest�Paternal grandmothers show somewhat more variation in their effects on child survival. Fathers have surprisingly little effect on child survival�� (Sear 2008: 1) Life with(out)Father Jankowiak, William 2010. The Han Chinese family: The realignment of parenting ideals, sentiments, and practices. In Interrogating Patriarchal Hegemonies in Contemporary Chinese Societies. Shanshan Du editor. Lanham, MD: Lexington Publishers. Chinese fathers, as a counterpoint to the role of mothers, did not strive to develop a warm emotionally charged parent-child relationship. Rather they believed that their role should not encourage or tolerate emotional indulgence. They assumed instead the ideal and expected role of a stern disciplinarian (Ch. 5, p. 2) Hohhotian�generally believed that men were incompetent and ignorant in infant care, and cannot be trusted to properly respond to very small infants. One 55-year-old man told me that if �a man held an infant, he might become confused and drop it.� During the 1980�s field seasons, I never once observed a man cradling an infant in his arms under six months of age. I did, however, observe on two separate occasions a young father sitting motionless in the Park with a swaddled infant asleep across his legs. Both fathers remained immobilized until their wives returned, whereupon the mothers promptly cradled the infant in their arms. By the 2000�s�I noticed a young father not only holding his infant, but actively talking and playing with the infant. For these young men, being actively involved with a young infant was not a problem. Both the infant and its father exhibited a calmness with one another; suggesting their comfort stemmed from frequent interaction within the home. However, Jankowiak goes on to note that, after deeper investigation, the fathers who are most involved in child care have working wives and can�t afford paid child care, e.g. �He admitted that he did not enjoy the tasks and preferred that his wife perform them. Since she had to work, however, there was no other means to cope with what was for him an obviously onerous task.� �Whenever women hold a child, it is typically held close to their body, while men's holding style is the reverse: The child is held usually with arms extended either upward or outward away from their body.� Fouts, Hillary N. (2008). Father involvement with young children among the Aka and Bofi foragers. Cross-Cultural Research (42): 290-312. ��fathers living patrilocally spent more time holding their children than fathers living matrilocally� Furthermore, the presence of postmenopausal female relatives predicted levels of father holding as children who had postmenopausal female relatives living in camp had fathers that held them less than children without postmenopausal female relatives.� (p. 300) When the mother has access to close kin (e.g. matrilocal residence) and/or when the child�s older, post-menopausal kin are available, the father is, significantly less involved in child care. Scelza, Brooke A. (2010). Fathers� presence speeds the social and reproductive careers of sons. Current Anthropology (51): 295-303. Study of Martu, Western Australian aboriginals. Demonstrates that, when biological fathers are available, they contribute resources that enable earlier male initiation which is followed by earlier mating and reproduction. Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Among nomadic pastoralists, due to the women�s workload which is much higher than that of men�especially in the period of intensive milk processing from about the end of February till the end of August�men often sit idly or simply watch their herds together with their younger sons. �Women, especially in the milking season, are very busy and spend a great deal of the day outside the tent; men take care of the infants more often than women do; rocking the zango by pulling the string attached to it, playing with the very young or carrying them around while they are watching the herd.� (Casimir 2010: 23) Hrdy, Sarah Blaffer (2009) Mothers and Others: The Evolutionary Origins of Mutual Understanding. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. According to Hrdy, ��what mothers and infants most urgently needed a male for was to protect them�not just from predators but from conspecific males� (2009: 148). This assertion draws on extensive research, including Hrdy�s early work with Hanuman Langurs, showing how vulnerable youngsters are to the attacks of ambitious males. Similarly, among chronically aggressive communities such as the Ache, fathers may play a protective role. Ultimately, however, Hrdy concludes that ��human males may nurture young a little, a lot or not at all� (2009: 162). Of course this high variability virtually insures that mothers will go to considerable lengths, including manufacturing multi-father, chimera children, to attach themselves and offspring to supportive males. Coley, Rebekah Levine, Votruba-Drzal, Elizabeth, and Schindler, Holly S. (2009). Fathers� and mothers� parenting: Predicting and responding to adolescent sexual risk behaviors. Child Development 80(3): 808-827. �Data�were drawn from a subsample of youth from the National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1997 Cohort (NLSY97)�between the ages of 12 and 16 in the first wave�purposive oversampling of poor and minority youth (Coley 2009: 812).� �Three behaviors were considered: frequency of sexual intercourse�number of partners�.and frequency of unprotected intercourse.� (Coley 2008: 813) �Results found [that] youth who engaged more regularly in activities with their families and had fathers who were more knowledgeable about their friends and activities thereafter reported lower average levels of sexual risk behaviors in comparison to their peers with less engaged parents.� (Coley 2009: 822) ��fathers appear to respond to their adolescents� growing engagement in problem behavior (violent, criminal, and substance use behaviors) with more, rather than less engaged parenting. � particularly pronounced among African American families.� (Coley 2009: 823) �Results suggest that parenting, particularly paternal knowledge and family activities, may be more protective for girls than for boys�Consistent father coresidence was linked with higher average paternal knowledge.� (Coley 2009: 824) Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �Fathers play a minor role in all this child service. They do not assume the responsibility for rearing their children. They are fond of them, but theirs is the affection of the bystander. They want children and are obviously proud of them as they grow out of helplessness. They are conscientious providers. They are gentle and patient with the very young. They amuse them and are amused by them. They often tend them when their wives are working and there is no older sister in teh household, or during that part of the day when the girls are in school. Yet none of this is the man�s job. They involve themselves only when and to the degree that it pleases them. Feeding, bathing, pacifying, and loving�these are for women. The male attitude is something like the zoo visitor: young animals, almost any little living thing, evokes yearning and compassion. As it grows older it loses this appeal and becomes just another animal, sometimes an ugly one. In any event, it is not the spectator�s responsibility.� (Barnett 1979: 7) �Men spent most of their free time in the club houses. They slept there and kept their personal articles there.� (Barnett 1979: 32) Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 303-358. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. Forest foragers from Orinocco Delta �Warao fathers frequently cradle babies in their arms and sing to them, especially when the infant has become a hiota and is able �to see and to laugh and to cry real tears.� Sometime toward the end of this stage, the father may made a toy basketry rattle which he puts into the infant�s grasping hand.� (Wilbert 1976: 316) �Toward the end of the first year of life, the crawling, and eventually walking, infant is difficult to confine to the small platform of the stilt house. Babysitting him becomes a full-time chore and parents become very inventive in discovering ways and means to keep their enterprising child in safely. The landing place with its bobbing boats exercises an irresistible attraction for the child. He wants to play with the other children. Like them, he wants to jump in and out of the moored boats. The father, seeking to keep the youngster contented in the house, carves small toy boats out of light sangrito wood.� (Wilbert 1976: 317) Sear, Rebecca (2008) Kin and child survival in rural Malawi: Are matrilineal kin always beneficial in a matrilineal society? Human Nature 19(3): 277-293. �There is little evidence that any male kin, whether matrilineal of patrilineal, and including fathers, affect child mortality rates.� (Sear 2008: 277) �Even relationships between genetically related individuals may be characterized by competitive, rather than cooperative, interactions. Maternal grandmothers will be striving to maximize their reproductive success by spreading their investment over all their children and children�s children. In situations such as this Malawi context, where resources are scarce and where a (Sear 2008: 287) fixed-resource-base will become diluted as it is shared among more offspring, women must allocate their resources carefully in order to maximize their total production of offspring and grand-offspring. This resource allocation may come at the expense of certain grandchildren, in this case apparently female grandchildren, who will create greater competition for resources within the family than male grandchildren.� (Sear 2008: 288) �This study finds rather little evidence that fathers matter for child survival (Sear 2008: 290)�Other studies have also found limited evidence that the father makes much difference to the survival of children.� (Sear 2008: 291) Tronick, Edward Z., Morelli, Gilda and Ivey, Paula K. (1992) The Efe forager infant and toddler's pattern of social relationships: multiple and simultaneous. Developmental Psychology 28(4): 568-577. �Six percent of a 5-month-old's time, and 9% of a 3-year old's time, was spent in contact with the father.� (Tronick 1992: 572) Fouts, Hillary N. (2008) Father involvement with young children among the Aka and Bofi foragers. Cross-Cultural Research, 42(1): 290-312. �The Aka and Bofi foragers have higher fertility rates than nearby farming groups and have often commented to me that the reason that they (Aka and Bofi women) are able to have many children is because their husbands help with the children, unlike the farmer husbands (Fouts 2008: 305)�Father direct care and involvement declines gradually after infancy, as toddlers need less or different types of care than infants, and then increases around 3 to 4 years of age (although not to the levels of infancy) owing to increased vulnerability during the weaning process.� (Fouts 2008: 308) Role of father� James, Wendy (1979) Kwanim Pa: The Making of the Uduk People. Oxford: Clarendon Press. �The most substantial source of the continuing reciprocity between a man and his child is the father�s original creation and nourishment of the child, from conception almost to maturity. The father does not receive any direct reward for this; when the boy is old enough to do useful work, he leaves for his mother�s brother�s hamlet. They receive, gratis, a full grown, well-fed, new working member; or in the case of a girl, a new sister who will eventually replenish their number herself�The central political rule of Uduk society: A boy�s primary political duty is to defend the life of his father.� (p. 150) more specifically the obligation to support one�s fathers in battle.� (James 1979: 151) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �One often sees fathers playing with their young children, watching over them, feeding them, bathing them, cuddling them to sleep. A man may take his five-year-old boy visiting with him when he goes to call on friends.� (Geertz 1961: 106) �It is only during this period of the child�s life lasting from about the end of his first year until he is about five years old that he is permitted to be close to the father. After that he may no longer play next to his father, or trail along with him on visits, but must respectfully stay away from him, and speak circumspectly and softly to him�While mothers are described as �loving� (trisna) their children, fathers are expected only to �enjoy� (seneng) them.� (Geertz 1961: 107) Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Irenaus (1989) Human Ethnology. New York: Aldine de Gruyter. �With the vast diversity of behavior potential in humans, many fathers are fully capable of substituting for mothers even when caring for small children.� (Eibl-Eibesfeldt 1989: 233) Hogbin, Ian (1969) A Guadalcanal Society: The Kaoka Speakers. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston.# �Fathers are not allowed to hold the infant for more than a few minutes until after their third month. Before that it is said to be too fragile to be submitted to clumsiness. They then lift it up eagerly on retuning home in the evenings, place it astride the hip, rock it from side to side, and croon to it while the wife cooks the evening meal. Mushy foods, at first premasticated yams and bananas, are given at about the sixth or seventh month. The mother or father sits with the baby on the knees and pushes the pap into its mouth with a finger.� (Hogbin 1969: 31) ��men perform the bulk of their toil at a distance, in the forest or out at sea. A father would therefore find a small boy, who would have to be watched, something of a nuisance.� (Hogbin 1969: 39) Professional Child-Minders Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya (2002). Model children and models for children in Early Mexico. In Tobias Hecht (Ed.), Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society. Ppp. 52-71. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. �Noble children had wet nurses.� (Lipsett-Rivera 2002: 56). Tizard, Jack and Tizard, Barbara (1974) The institution as an environment for development. In Martin P.M. Richards (Ed.), The Integration of a Child Into a Social World. Pp. 137-152. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �Bowlby�s (1951) highly influential monograph presented an extensive body of data in support of his thesis that institutional upbringing almost always led to dire consequences�Later studies, including our own, have shown that these conclusions were too sweeping. We have been able to show that the level of language development depends very much on the characteristics of the institution: in the best residential nurseries the children we studied were not only healthy but intellectually normal, linguistically advanced, and exposed to a near-normal rage of general experiences.� (Tizard 1974: 146) �A major area of difference between the nursery and home children lay in their relationships with their caretakers. Most of the home two-year-olds showed a marked preference for their mother; they tended to follow her about the house, and to be upset if she left eh house without them. However, few of them were disturbed if she left the room. Such relationships result from a close family structure where the mother is the principle if not the sole caretaker and is almost always accessible to the child.� (Tizard 1974: 147) New Metaphors for Child-Rearing Mintz, Steven (2004) Huck�s Raft: A History of American Childhood. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. �The patriarchal family was the basic building block of Puritan society�Male household heads exercised unusual authority over family members�Childrearing manuals were thus addressed to men, not their wives.� (Mintz 2004: 13) �The Puritans regarded childhood as a time of deficiency, associating an infantile inability to walk or talk with animality, and considered it essential to teach children to stand upright and recite scripture as quickly as possible. Both were associated with morality and propriety. To prevent infants from crawling, they dressed young children, regardless of sex, in long robes or petticoats and placed them in wooden go-carts, similar to modern-day walkers.� (Mintz 2004: 16) Use of guilt� �The dominant view was that play was a sinful waste of time�By building up a child�s awareness of sin, parents sought to lead children along the path toward salvation.� (Mintz 2004: 19) �Puritan mothers did not divide reading and religion. Children were expected to learn to read by listening to others read aloud and then by memorizing the Lord�s Prayer, psalms, hymns, catechisms, and scripture passages�.As in England, parents brought primers, catechisms, and horn books to teach their children to read.� (Mintz 2004: 21) �The newfound significance of children for the future republic put primary responsibility for securing the social order and preserving republican values on two institutions: the home and the school. Dr. Benjamin Rush a signer of the Declaration of Independence expressed the conviction that social stability depended on proper parenting and schooling in particularly ringing terms. �Mothers and school-masters plant the seeds of nearly all the good and evil which exists in our world,� he declared. The conspicuous emphasis on the maternal role in shaping children�s character was novel. Although mothers had always been responsible for the day-to-day care of young children, earlier childrearing literature had been addressed to fathers as the ultimate caregivers. As late as 1776 the Scottish Presbyterian president of Princeton, John Witherspoon, had begun his volume of childrearing advice with �Dear Sir.� But after the Revolution, ministers and other moralists invested mothers with primary responsibility for inculcating republican values and virtues in the young and teaching them to be responsible and patriotic citizens, reflecting a growing recognition of young children�s vulnerability, malleability, and educability. The emerging view was that children�s character was shaped in their earliest years, when the young were mostly in their mother�s care.� (Mintz 2004: 71) The "Great" Transition Raising Children in the 21st Century Leinhardt, Gaea and Knutson, Karen (2004) Listening in on Museum Conversations. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira. �Here we have conscientious students getting it just about as wrong as they can get it. The exhibition has not been able to address the misconceptions, and where it has they have not attended to the information. This example points out that informal learning environments, in and of themselves, have no greater claim on solid conceptually accurate, deeply meaningful interpretations than any other form of learning. We should not expect too much� (Leinhardt 2004: 17) �In our first example of group conversation at Athena, we see parenting in action at the Light! Exhibition. �In this example a father and his five-year-old son negotiated the length of time for their museum visit. The son had had enough of this exhibition and indicated unequivocally that he wanted to leave, although they were only in the first room of the exhibition. �The father tried to engage the son with comments such as, �Wow. I wonder who this is?� and he later began to cajole the boy into looking at more objects: �You wanna go see that?� But the son became more and more insistent that he would like to finish with the tour.� (Leinhardt 2004: 57) Biblarz , Timothy J. and Stacey, Judith (2010) How Does the Gender of Parents Matter? # HYPERLINK "/journal/118493332/home" \t "_top" ##Journal of Marriage and Family#, # HYPERLINK "/journal/123248169/issue" \t "_top" ##72(1#): 3-22. Biblarz�s and Stacey�s (2010) survey of existing research shows the claim that children need both a mother and father is erroneous. �Contrary to popular belief, studies have not shown that compared to all other family forms, families headed by married, biological parents are best for children�� (p. 16). Married heterosexual fathers scored lowest on parental involvement and skills measures. However, when faced with single parenthood a father�s involvement and skills increase. Single-sex parenting results in more androgynous parenting from both mothers and fathers. �A vast body of research indicates that, other things being equal (which they rarely are) two compatible parents [regardless of gender] provide advantages for children over single parents� (p. 17). Bernstein, Gaia, and Triger, Zvi 2011. Over-parenting. U.C. Davis Law Review, 44: Law Review article argues that the �intensive (�helicopter�) parenting model dominates recent legal thinking and practice. By elevating this peculiar approach to parenting over others, parents outside the contemporary elite: poverty class; ethnic minorities and; immigrants from other societies are placed at a distinct disadvantage. Nelson, Margaret K. 2010. Helicopter moms, heading for a crash. Washington Post, July 4th. /wp-dyn/content/article/2010/07/02/AR2010070202445.html Many of the helicopter mothers I've spoken to have told me, often with pride in their voices, that their daughters are their best friends. At first, I wondered why these women -- some of them in their late 40s or 50s -- wouldn't prefer to spend their free time with people their own age. But as I looked more closely at the way they are tackling parenthood, I understood: They have no free time. Nelson is a sociologist, author of "Parenting out of Control: Anxious Parents in Uncertain Times." # Sullivan, Paul (2010) Teaching Work Values to Children of Wealth. The New York Times. May 28, 2010. Online: /2010/05/29/your-money/29wealth.html Middle-class children seldom have to think about money. When the new Range Rover pulls into the driveway, there�s no concept of how many hours of hard work went into owning that vehicle. Their parents have enough money to pay for their college. But the fact that most middle-class children do not have to work is exactly what worries many affluent parents. The recession and tight job market have made it imperative to teach their children the value of work Affluent parents are hiring consultants who urge families to set two goals: get children living without subsidies and put them on a career track. The launch process is considered serious work. These are kids who are educated but are having a tough time getting into a purposeful path that will help them maintain their lifestyle. A whole coterie of experts has sprung up in the last few years to coach the children of affluence into the working world. Gibraltar offers classes in �financial life skills� that cover topics including saving, preventing debt and how money affects friendships. # HYPERLINK "/top/news/business/companies/morgan_j_p_chase_and_company/index.html?inline=nyt-org" \o "More information about JPMorgan Chase & Company." ##J. P. Morgan# Private Bank offers what it calls �Next Generation Leadership� seminars. Brooks-Gunn, Jeanne, Han, Wen-Jui, and Waldfogel, Jane (2010) First-year maternal employment and child development in the first 7 years. Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 75(2): 1-147. A longitudinal study of 1,364 children born in 1991 using The NICHD Study of Early Child Care (NICHD-SECC) found that there were �no overall effects of FT [fulltime] or PT [part time] 1st-year maternal employment, as compared with the mother not working in the 1st year, on later child cognitive, social, or emotional outcomes. Although there may be some downsides of parental employment in terms of child development, employment also confers some clear benefits. Indeed, our results suggest that when we take factors such as maternal earnings, the home environment, and child care into account, the net effect of 1st-year employment on outcomes is neutral. This is particularly likely to be the case when that employment is PT, rather than FT� (Brooks-Gunn, et al 2010: 110). Dubner, Stephen J. and Steven D. Levitt (2005) Do Parents Matter? . May 3rd. Accessed: November 21, 2009. Available: # HYPERLINK "/news/opinion/editorials/2005-05-03-parents-edit_x.htm" ##/news/opinion/editorials/2005-05-03-parents-edit_x.htm# �In the first case, the parents may tell themselves: It was those Mozart quartets we played in utero that primed her for success�How much credit, or blame, should parents really claim for their children's accomplishments? The answer, it turns out, is a lot � but not for the reasons that most parents think.� The U.S. Department of Education recently undertook a monumental project called the Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, which tracks the progress of more than 20,000 American schoolchildren from kindergarten through the fifth grade. Aside from gathering each child's test scores and the standard demographic information, the ECLS also asks the children's parents a wide range of questions about the families' habits and activities. The result is an extraordinarily rich set of data that, when given a rigorous economic analysis, tells some compelling stories about parenting technique. (Dubner 2005: online) A child with at least 50 kids' books in his home, for instance, scores roughly 5 percentile points higher than a child with no books, and a child with 100 books scores another 5 percentile points higher than a child with 50 books. Most people would look at this correlation and draw the obvious cause-and-effect conclusion: A little boy named, say, Brandon has a lot of books in his home; Brandon does beautifully on his reading test; this must be because Brandon's parents read to him regularly. (Dubner 2005: online) But the ECLS data show no correlation between a child's test scores and how often his parents read to him. How can this be? Here is a sampling of other parental factors that matter and don't: �Matters: The child has highly educated parents. �Doesn't: The child regularly watches TV at home. �Matters: The child's parents have high income. �Doesn't: The child's mother didn't work between birth and kindergarten. �Matters: The child's parents speak English in the home. �Doesn't: The child's parents regularly take him to museums. �Matters: The child's mother was 30 or older at time of the child's birth. �Doesn't: The child attended Head Start. �Matters: The child's parents are involved in the PTA. �Doesn't: The child is regularly spanked at home. (Dubner 2005: online) Culture cramming may be a foundational belief of modern parenting but, according to the data, it doesn't improve early childhood test scores. Frequent museum visits would seem to be no more productive than trips to the grocery store. Watching TV, meanwhile, doesn't turn a child's brain into mush after all; nor does the presence of a home computer turn a child into Einstein. Now, back to the original riddle: How can it be that a child with a lot of books in her home does well at school even if she never reads them? Because parents who buy a lot of children's books tend to be smart and well-educated to begin with � and they pass on their smarts and work ethic to their kids. (This theory is supported by the fact that the number of books in a home is just as strongly correlated with math scores as reading scores.) Or the books may suggest that these are parents who care a great deal about education and about their children in general, which results in an environment that rewards learning. Such parents may believe that a book is a talisman that leads to unfettered intelligence. But they are probably wrong. A book is, in fact, less a cause of intelligence than an indicator. (Dubner 2005: online) The most interesting conclusion here is one that many modern parents may find disturbing: Parenting technique is highly overrated. When it comes to early test scores, it's not so much what you do as a parent, it's who you are. It is obvious that children of successful, well-educated parents have a built-in advantage over the children of struggling, poorly educated parents. Call it a privilege gap. The child of a young, single mother with limited education and income will typically test about 25 percentile points lower than the child of two married, high-earning parents. (Dubner 2005: online) So it isn't that parents don't matter. Clearly, they matter an awful lot. It's just that by the time most parents pick up a book on parenting technique, it's too late. Many of the things that matter most were decided long ago � what kind of education a parent got, how hard he worked to build a career, what kind of spouse he wound up with and how long they waited to have children. The privilege gap is far more real than the fear that haunts so many modern parents � that their children will fail miserably without regular helpings of culture cramming and competitive parenting. So, yes, parents are entitled to congratulate themselves this month over their children's acceptance letters. But they should also stop kidding themselves: The Mozart tapes had nothing to do with it. (Dubner 2005: online) Council on Contemporary Families (CCF) #HYPERLINK "/"#/# #Largest study on lesbian parents in the US finds children healthy and happy; national study following families for 22 years.##Papers Published In American Journal of Orthopsychiatry and Journal Of Lesbian Studies##This 22-year study has been following planned lesbian families with children conceived by donor insemination since 1986. The results released today are based on interviews that were conducted when the children were 10 years old. The NLLFS confirms the findings of over 40 other studies on the children of lesbian and gay parents, and supports the positions of all major professional associations on the well-being of children growing up in lesbian and gay families.##The NLLFS finds that although the parents' sexual orientation doesn't harm children, discrimination does; the researchers report that the adverse effects of discrimination were significantly reduced when the parents, schools and communities encouraged an appreciation of diversity.##"The findings of our research conclude that children raised in lesbian parent households are healthy, happy, and high-functioning," said Dr. Nanette Gartrell. Nettle, Daniel (2008) why do some dads get more involved than others? Evidence from a large British cohort. Evolution and Human Behavior 29(6): 416-423. �This study shows for the first time an interaction effect with father�s SES, with professional and managerial fathers making more difference to child IQ scores when they invest than unskilled fathers do. High-SES fathers may have more skills to enrich and improve the environment of the child�s development of the child�s development than low-SES fathers do.� (Nettle 2008: 421) �High SES fathers seem to be more efficient in embodying human capital in their children than low-SES fathers are. This gives a powerful potential explanation of why low-SES groups are characterized by low paternal effort. The returns to effort are low, and therefore men have no incentive for higher effort. The study pursued outcomes further into adulthood than previous research has. Paternal involvement does not just have a temporary effect in early life. Instead, cohort members who had received high paternal involvement were more upwardly mobile than those receiving low involvement, and the difference was still detectable at age 42.� (Nettle 2008: 421) Haith, Marshall M. (1998) Who put the cog in infant cognition? IS rich interpretation too costly? Infant Behavior & Development 21: 167-l79 �There are also potential repercussions in the lay literature. Increasingly, the idea has become fashionable that our infants are little scientists. Brand new parents call me, and I am sure they call many of you, to ask when they should begin with the flash cards. Apart from the specter of these infant scientists threatening our job security, I fear that if these characterizations are overblown, as more qualified renditions appear, they will either be ignored because they are insufficiently sensational.� (Haith 1998: 176) Chapter Five: Making Sense Introduction Meltzoff, Andrew N. and Williamson, Rebecca A. (2009) Imitation. In Shweder, Richard A., et al (Eds.), The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion. (pp 480-481). Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. ��newborn infants are able to imitate facial and manual acts. Infants who were only days or weeks old responded to an adult�s tongue protrusion by sticking out their own tongues and opening their own lips in response to an adult�s mouth opening�Recently, cognitive neuroscientists have discovered a candidate brain mechanism�called mirror neurons or shared representations�that may underlie at least some forms of basic imitation. Mirror neurons are a special class of brain cells that are activated both when an action is preformed by oneself and when it is observed being preformed by another.� (Meltzoff and Williamson 2009: 480) �As children develop, the scope of their imitation expands. Throughout their second year of life, toddlers learn to produce physical outcomes on objects, such as using a tool to solve a problem. They also imitate the exact manner another person uses to achieve an end. Consider a study that showed children the unusual act of bending forward from the waist to touch a panel and cause it to illuminate. In baseline measures, none of the children produced this act. However, when they saw an adult demonstrate that act, fully two-thirds of them replicated the behavior when presented with the panel a week later.� (Meltzoff and Williamson 2009: 480) �Young children also go beyond imitating observable outcomes and instrumental techniques; strikingly, they also abstract the adult�s goals. Children will skip over a poorly performed accidental act and instead imitate acts that appear purposeful. If an adult is unsuccessful in an attempt to complete a task, toddlers will copy the intended goals instead of the observed outcome�An important characteristic of human imitation is that it can be deferred; a child may watch his father behave in a certain way and store it in memory. This stored representation then is tapped at a later time when the child finds himself in a similar situation and is uncertain how to behave�The fact that children can imitate over such lengthy delays suggests that imitation is a powerful learning mechanism before other processes, such as direct instruction through language, are possible.� (Meltzoff and Williamson 2009: 481) ��imitation is a means for communication and engaging others socially. An infant�s imitation of a facial gesture is a way to capture an adult�s attention, opening opportunities for turn taking and communicative exchanges�imitation of others� behavior plays a significant role sin the acquisition and spread of instrumental behaviors that help humans survive and succeed in their environments�Third, the mechanisms involved in imitation may also play a role in coming to understand that other people have minds �like me.�� (Meltzoff and Williamson 2009: 481) Children as Spectators Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Older Nurzay boys often also imitate specific new and interesting situations. When one day, for instance, the khan�s brother came from the village on a motorbike, the boys gathered flexible branches tying a quarter of their length back to form a round, wheel-like end. With the �wheel� o the ground and the other end in their hand, they ran around for hours, imitating the noise of the motorbike.� (Casimir 2010: 48) �It is always the wife of one of the influential households who, dressed in her best, leads the first beautifully decorated camel of the caravan when moving to the summer or winter camp. Already during the days leading up to the move, little boys and girls played lok bazi (the �leading camel� game) in which an older child tied two or more of the smaller children together in a line and then lead this little caravan around the camp. �To imitate a limping neighbor (Zarin) who supported his crippled right leg with a walking stick, one of the boys took a stick and shouted loudly, �I am Zarin�, then limped along. As with the �motorbike game�, which was invented by one boy, such behavior was also �infectious� here and led other boys to grad similar sticks. For a while, each tried to limp �better� than the other.� (Casimir 2010: 49) �The sexual behavior of herd animals is a common sight for children. Male camels seem to have problems in copulating successfully, and boys and girls of all ages stand next to the pair and look closely to see whether they succeed. � (Casimir 2010: 64). Durrell, Gerald 1992. The Aye-Aye and I. London: HarperCollins Durrell, a renowned animal collector/breeder and travel writer describes the establishment of a �base camp� for his team of collectors and filmmakers in a remote Malagasy village. ��what appeared to be the entire younger population of Antanambaobe descended on us and ringed us in a circle twelve deep around the house�as the news of our eccentricities spread, more and more children arrived and the ring steadily got closer and closer�as far�as the kids were concerned, we were something out of this world�� (p. 147). Fortes, Meyer (1938/1970) Social and Psychological Aspects of Education in Taleland. In John Middleton (Ed.), From Child to Adult: Studies in the Anthropology of Education. Pp. 14-74. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. �It is agreed that education in the widest sense is the process by which the cultural heritage is transmitted from generation to generation, and that schooling is therefore only part of it. It is agreed, correlatively, that the moulding of individuals to the social norm is the function of education such as we find it among these simpler peoples and, it may be added, among ourselves. Starting from these axioms, anthropologists have explored the conditions and the social framework of education in the pre-literate societies. It ahs been shown that the training of the young is seldom regularized or systematized, but occurs as a by-product.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 15) �My observations were made in the course of a field study of the Tallensi the object of which, in accordance with the usual ethnographical method, was the entire society and culture.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 17) No nursery, children�s literature, preschool, playpen, highchair, etc. �The social sphere of adult and child is unitary and undivided. In our own society the child�s feeling and thinking and acting takes place largely in relation to a reality�which differs completely from that of the adult.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 18) �Children learn who their fathers and ancestors (banam ni yaanam) were by listening at sacrifices.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 22) �I always found that, allowing for variation in ability and personality, men whose fathers had been elders or office-holders at a time when they themselves were old enough to take a interest in pubic affairs as spectators or participants were better informed than the average-age person, and tended to assume the lead in social and ritual activities.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 31) �Growing up, in other words, is the evolution of one�s social personality as it approximates closer and closer to the fully grown, mature adults.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 35) ��a factor of great importance in Tale education, the expectation of normal behaviour. In any given social situation everybody takes it for granted that any person participating either already knows, or wants to know, how to behave in a manner appropriate to the situation and in accordance with his level of maturity.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 35) �No one would inhibit his conversation or actions because children are present, or withhold information upon which adequate social adjustment depends from a child because it is thought to be too young. Tallensi, therefore are not surprised at the comprehensive and accurate sexual knowledge of a 6-year-old.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 37) �The idea of precocity or retardation as a quality of a child�s character has no place in Tale thought. A child may intrude on a situation where some one of his or her degree of maturity has no business to be and will be categorically dismissed then.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 37) �By the age of 9 or 10 the children are thoroughly familiar with the ecological environment of their clan settlements. They know the economically important trees, grasses, and herbs, e.g., a girl of (Fortes 1938/1970: 39) about 9 once named and showed me nine varieties of herbs used for making soup. They have a fair idea of the gross anatomy of the fowl, small field animals, and larger live stock.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 40) �Children in Taleland are remarkably free from over-solicitous supervision. � On the one hand they can go where they like and do what they like, on the other hand are held fully responsible for tasks entrusted to them.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 41) �I have not attempted to track the Tale attitudes toward authority and justice to their roots in infant psychology, as would be necessary for an exhaustive analysis.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 46) �A child�s knowledge of the kinship structure evolves in the same way. The schema, rudimentary and unstable as yet, can be detected in the 3�4-year-old.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 53) �The 6-year-old knows the correct terms and appropriate behaviour defining its relations with the members of its own paternal (Fortes 1938/1970: 53) family and has grasped the principle of classification according to descent. But in practice he still confuses spatial proximity and relative age with kinship, beyond the limits of his own family. The 10�12-year-old has mastered the schema, except for some collaterals and affinal kinsmen.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 54) Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. �The Matsigenka are a small-scale, egalitarian, family-level society. As a social group, they have historically survived in isolated extended family compounds in the Amazonian rainforest and more recently have been brought together as small communities by Protestant missionaries, all the while continuing to subsist on fishing, hunting, and subsistence horticulture (mainly manioc, bananas, and sweet potatoes).� (Ochs 2009: 394) �Once infants are able to sit up and move around, they are discouraged from crawling or being active. The movements of older babies are restrained by the caregiver. � Infants and young children are embedded in the middle of guotidian activities where they are positioned to quietly observe and learn what others are doing.� (Ochs 2009: 395) De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology. Pp. 3-23. New York: Free Press. �A great deal of children�s play imitated the activities of adults. Thus, girls might play house, the �mother� shutting her �adolescent daughter� away in a special puberty hut; or older children might indulge in sexual games.� (De Laguna 1965: 14) �Children learned a great deal by listening to the older people talk, especially when the old men gathered in the sweathouse to bathe and chat. Then the children might sit outside and listen to their stories.� (De Laguna 1965: 15) ��They training the grandchild, because it�s gonna be the next chief to him. Till it�s all correct, the story he tell. Then he begin to tell another story. He want his grandchild to memorize the whole thing.� (De Laguna 1965: 16) Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. (pp. 303-358). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Warao are a South American Indian tribe that has dwelled in the Orinoco Delta.� (Wilbert 1976: 303) �The name Warao designates specifically a single person and generically the entire tribe. The word derived from wa, �canoe,� and arao, �owner.� The Warao are owners of canoes. In this society, therefore, to become an expert canoe maker is tantamount to becoming a man, and the worst one can say about a man is that he is wayana, �without canoe.� (Wilbert 1976: 303) �My informants consistently assured me, the process is actually a matter of imitation and copying, not of teaching. Explained one expert canoe maker: �Nobody teaches a boy how to make a paddle or a canoe.� When asked why not, he replied, �Because he is a boy. Boys learn from watching.�� (Wilbert 1976: 318) �The canoe maker insists on having boys present when boats are being made. � Whereas adults may not engage in verbal instruction, they definitely require the presence of the learner when the opportunity for visual learning and instruction through demonstration presents itself.� (Wilbert 1976: 318) �This work is carried out within the confines of the village and the children have been watching the craftsman for weeks. The boys are called frequently to the site to observe the process, although they are not permitted to touch the tools, not only to forestall the child�s damaging the hull but also to avoid provoking the spirit of the tool.� (Wilbert 1976: 323) Mesoudi, Alex (2008) An experimental simulation of the �copy-successful-individuals� cultural learning strategy: Adaptive landscapes, producer-scrounger dynamics, and informational access costs. Evolution and Human Behavior 29(5): 350-363. ��using the �virtual arrowhead� experimental task. In this task, participants played a computer game in which they designed a technological artifact (an arrowhead) either by individual trial-and-error learning or by copying successful fellow participants� allowing participants to preferentially copy the designs of successful models resulted in significantly improved performance relative to individual learning controls, suggesting that this copy-successful-individuals cultural learning strategy is significantly more adaptive than individual learning.� (p. 351)�It is predicted that making cultural learning periodic through the season will favour the emergence of �information scroungers��participants who forego lengthy and costly individual learning and instead consistently free-ride on the individual learning efforts of other participants (�information producers�) in the group.� (Mesoudi 2008: 353) ��Kameda and Nakanishi (2002) found experimentally that participants divided themselves into information producers and information scroungers in the manner suggested above, and that these two groups coexisted at equilibrium.� (Mesoudi 2008: 353) Kameda, T. and Nakanishi, D. (2002). Cost-benefit analysis of social/cultural learning in a nonstationary uncertain environment. Evolution and Human Behavior, 23:373-393. ��at least amongst non-kin, successful or attractive models might set an �access cost� that others must pay in order to gain access to their knowledge�In the present experiment, cultural learners pooled their individually acquired knowledge to produce artifacts that were, under certain conditions, functionally better than artifacts produced by individual controls, indicative of cumulative cultural evolution.� (Mesoudi 2008: 353) �Some theoretical models suggest that cultural learning would be hampered by the emergence of free-riding information scroungers, the present study suggests that people avoid this by flexibly switching between individual and cultural learning, only copying others when they are doing poorly.� (Mesoudi 2008: 361) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �If a child wants to stay up late there is usually no objection from the parents, and at the shadow plays the children sit all night in front of the screen, watching and napping alternately.� (Geertz 1961: 103) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �When children have gained motor control, their world gradually widens. They are no longer guarded by child tenders wherever they go, and their trips away from the home become longer�(Broch 1990: 71)small bands of youngsters roam about inland, visiting adults working on the swiddens�Children seem content to sit around adults when the latter are working. The children sit quietly, just watching, for an hour or so.� (Broch 1990: 72) Mead, Margaret (1964) Continuities in Cultural Evolution. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. �Cultural systems will be treated as extensions of the power to learn, store, and transmit information.� (Mead 1964: 31) �Children accompany their parents and participate in adult activities that involve little skill. No attempt is made to develop skills�the emphasis is rather on the easy, pleasant identification with the activities of adults.� (Mead 1964: 57) �So the social structure of a society and the way learning is structured�the way it passes from mother to daughter, from father to son, from mother�s brother to sister�s son, from shaman to novice, from mythological specialist to aspirant specialist�determine far beyond the actual content of learning both how individuals will learn to think and how the store of learning, the sum total of separate pieces of skill and knowledge which could be obtained by separately interviewing each member of the society is shared and used.� (Mead 1964: 79) # Odden, Harold and Rochat, Philippe (2004) Observational learning and enculturation. Educational and Child Psychology, 21(2):39-50. The hierarchical system of chiefs is often described by Samoans as the crux of their culture�This valued domain of knowledge entails a wide range of intricate concepts and practices pertaining to notions such as power and authority, ritual practices, respectful and deferential behaviours, and complex genealogical relationships linking different descent groups�In contrast to the two earlier examples, knowledge of the chief system entails understanding a complex and abstract conceptual system as well as the associated practices and rituals. (p. 45) Observations and testing revealed that Samoan children as young as six years of age begin to demonstrate some level of implicit learning regarding these notions. They begin to pick up the distinctive features characterising people of rank and authority without any explicit instruction. This was particularly the case for distinctive behavioral aspects of common ritual events associated with chiefs that children could readily witness. Thus, for example, we observed that a majority of children from six years of age demonstrate an implicit understanding of the orator chief�s ritualised postures and gestures using his symbols of office (i.e. fly whisk and staff) while giving a formal speech. They also demonstrate some understanding of ritual gestures during kava ceremonies � kava is a ritualised drink served to chiefs during their meetings. They also showed imitation of the distinctive intonation contours of the public announcement of ceremonial gifts and large social events. Testing and interviews with older children revealed that a majority had knowledge of many aspects of the basic concepts underlying the chief system. A multiple choice test of the basic set of conceptual knowledge of the chief system and its local manifestations were given to all of the seventh and eighth grade students (N = 46) at a local primary school. A majority of the students tested demonstrated a broad understanding of many basic concepts, including the two types of Samoan chiefs, the identity of the ceremonial attendant of the highest ranking chief in the village, the responsibilities associated with the social role of a chief both in the family and in the village, and the order in which the beverage kava (piper methysticum) is ritually served at village meetings of chiefs, a practice that indicates the relative rank of the chiefs present. The relative amount of knowledge of the chief system demonstrated by children is revealing, as this domain of Samoan social life is both highly valued and very restrictive in terms of participation and explicit instruction. Participation in the meetings of chiefs and in the various chiefly duties at various village events is strictly limited to title holders. While non title holders may observe these activities from the periphery, under no circumstances would a non title holder be able to participate as a chief in these proceedings. The village�s untitled men�s association (aumaga) attends to the village chiefs during the meetings, (p. 45) and family members will attend to chiefs on other occasions. Yet these activities are largely parallel to and distinct from the chief�s activities. Again, learning about the various aspects of the chief system occurs through observation and overhearing adult discussions of it. With absolutely no exception, children do not participate in the activities of chiefs but rather remain on the periphery while their activities are enacted. (p. 46) First, children�s learning of these three cultural domains does not occur as the child moves on a gradient from peripheral to full participation as the [Vygotskian] participatory learning paradigm suggests. Rather, participation seems to be �binary� in that the social actor is either a full participant or a peripheral one. Second, rather than participatory learning, we see observational learning employed by children in acquiring these different skills and understandings. In some instances, emulation and experimentation on one�s own or as part of a group seem to play a secondary role in this process of learning. Third, both in terms of Samoan parental belief and practice there is relatively little use of active scaffolding in teaching these activities, even with regards to the conceptually complex and culturally valued knowledge of the chief system. (Odden and Rochat, 2004:46) Authors argue that imitation or social learning is insufficient in any model of cultural transmission. This is so because many aspects of culture that are observable at any given time may#due to cultural change#have become maladaptive. Hence, learners must also display evidence of competency in filtering out maladaptive traits. This sounds a lot like Earnest Hemingway�s famous �crap detector.� Enquista, Magnus, and Ghirlandab, Stefano (2007). Evolution of social learning does not explain the origin of human cumulative culture. Journal of Theoretical Biology 246: 129�135. We have shown that, if cultural traits can turn maladaptive owing to environmental change, genetic evolution of social learning leads to the accumulation of both adaptive and maladaptive culture�which soon halts the genetic evolution of imitation. But culture can remain adaptive, and imitation abilities continue to improve, if (133)maladaptive traits are continuously filtered out. Thus the evolution of adaptive filtering may have been at least as important as the evolution of imitation for the origin of human culture (p. 134). Culture as information Ingold, Tim (2000) The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling, and Skill. London: Routledge. �The rigid distinction between social and psychological phenomena that British social anthropology took from Durkheim was not matched by the parallel, North American tradition of cultural anthropology. The founder of this latter tradition, Franz Boaz, consistently adopted the position that the patterned integration of culture, as a system of habits, beliefs, and dispositions, is achieved on the level of the individual rather than having its source in some overarching collectivity, and is therefore essentially psychological in nature.� (Ingold 2000: 159) Hagstrum, Melissa B. (1999) The Goal of Domestic Autonomy Among the Highland Peruvian Farmer-Potters: Home Economics of Rural Craft Specialists. In Research in Economic Anthropology, Vol. 20, Barry L Isaac (Ed.). Pp.265-298. Stamford, CN: Jai Press. Peru �The Wanka household ceramic tradition has endured for nearly seven centuries in the Upper Mantaro Valley�Wanka ceramic manufacturing technology and the family basis of production have persisted. (Hagstrum 1999: 269) �The household�s tool kit is basic; the tools are homemade and simple enough to be widely available. �I measured the structural complexity of individual implements in the inventory by counting their constituent technouints (Hagstrum 1999: 284)�The plow is the only special-purpose farm tool. With four technounits each, the plow and the kiln are the most complex tools in the inventory. Both of these tools are shared among households. Even the humblest household has a complete set of pottery-making tools, which the exception of a kiln.� (Hagstrum 1999: 285) �All other pottery tools are made from common household items, such as stone slabs (from a local outcrop), pebbles, and cobbles�Multipurpose tools are used in farming, pot making, and housekeeping�The farmer-potter tool kit reflects the generalized household economy. Overall, the tool kit is simple and easily obtained. Many tools are found or scavenged objects, some are homemade, and few are bought.� (Hagstrum 1999: 287)�The portability of farmer-potter tools bespeaks economic flexibility, insofar as household space is used for several activities.� (Hagstrum 1999: 289) Exploration and Play with Objects Little, Christopher A. J. L. (2008) Becoming an Asabano: The Socialization of Asabano Children, Duranmin, West Sepik Province, Papua New Guinea. Unpublished Master�s Thesis. Trent University. Peterborough, Ontario, Canada. �Childhood in Yakob is characterized by much more independence � which serves to inculcate in the children, as Mead (1962[1935]:209) remarks of the Mundugumur, "a sturdy degree of independence." Little discipline is given to these children�by either parents or other adults�and that which is, is pursued without much vigour.� (Little 2008: 49) �In another instance, the (Little 2008: 49) parents of two boys told me how, when two years old, Stanit�also known as Chrisit (now approximately seven), pushed his one year old brother, Junior, into a fire as they played close to the flames. Junior sustained disfiguring burns to his leg, arm, hand, chest, and face. Greg, pictured above, simultaneously bludgeoned and pierced the top of his head while playing with an axe, and though he escaped serious injury, developed a sore that festered for some time. Yalwi, my adoptive mother, told me that when she was a child she hit her brother, Soki, who took revenge by firing a sharpened bamboo arrow into her midsection, an incident from which she still bears a sizable scar. Soki himself only has three toes on one foot, the result of venturing into a fire as a child and severely burning himself. Pastor Somi, another adult male, is missing the better part of a finger on his right hand, the result of improperly handling a knife as a child.� (Little 2008: 50) �Likewise, most adolescent and adult bodies bear the marks of injuries sustained in childhood. (Little 2008: 50) �Indeed, through sheer happenstance I witnessed the following events while staying at Yakob: a girl chewing on a razor-blade in front of her father; a little girl wandering around, unsupervised, with a knife; a girl chewing on a knife and then running her hand along the blade while supervised by her mother; a little boy reaching into a raging fire to acquire breadnut; a boy hitting his sister with the dull-side of an axe; many boys drawing their razor-tipped bows and arrows at others; countless little boys starting fires in the bush immediately beside the village, unsupervised, during dry periods; numerous boys carving arrows with razor-blades or sharp knives; countless children playing with machetes; children downing large trees for pleasure; and children climbing trees to sit, acquire a snack, or cut limbs. (Little 2008: 51) Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. �Three-year-olds frequently practice cutting wood and grass with machetes and knives. When three-year-old Julio wandered too close to a cliff and rolled several feet down the ravine, his mother washing clothes nearby scolded him for being careless.� (Ochs 2009: 395) Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �At about six years of age boys are presented with a toy machete (machetico), made from a worn-out machete blade, cut to child�s size.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 34) �Doll play is the commonest recreational activity pursued by children of two to five years. The nature of such play depends to a large degree on available raw materials, and dolls from sections of plantain raceme or corn cob, with holes for eyes and wooden sticks for limbs, are commonly presented to children by their parents.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 36) Hatley, Nancy Brennan (1976) Cooperativism and enculturation among the Cuna Indians of San Blas. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 67-94. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �A common toy among the Cuna is a small wooden canoe with a paddle, carved by the fathers or other member of the household. While playing, an older child will invariably show a younger child the correct seating and paddling procedure.� (Hatley 1976: 84) Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Critical German Perspective� �(�She plays nicely, but does not have eye contact with the baby�) and the exclusivity of attention (�The mother holds the baby nicely on her body, but direct her attention too often to other targets�). Object play is another asset of early care, because stimulating the senses and the cognitive system in general are considered crucial by this 29-year-old married Berlin mother.� (Keller 2007 p. 127) Critical Nso perspective� �The Nso women agreed that �the Germans can show a very bad example of child care.� (Keller 2007 p. 121) Nso accelerate motor development, Germans, intellectual� �Object stimulation was rare in both settings. � In fact, rural Gujarati women believe that a 3-month-old baby cannot understand toys and see their advantage mainly in distressing a fussy or crying baby.� (Keller 2007 p. 203) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Children who are not yet able to swim well are not allowed to paddle a dugout canoe in deep water. Children usually learn to swim around the age of five. Because the beach cannot be seen from the village, young children are not allowed to bathe except in the company of older caretakers.� (Broch 1990:60) ��dangerous to children younger than approximately six years is collecting coconuts. Children of this age are not allowed to climb the palms. When kepala lingkung one day saw a four-year-old boy at the top of a palm, he ordered him down at once. Later he summoned all the villagers and told them that if parents did not manage to keep an eye on what their children did, the parents would be punished�This does not mean that children are kept away from everything that might hurt them. A generally practiced deference to the desires of toddlers and older children in the choice of play objects permitted them frequently to handle sharp knives, large parangs, sharp pieces of scrap iron, and fires.� (Broch 1990:61) It�s Only Make-Believe Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. (pp. 303-358). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �They put so much practice time on make-believe canoe rides that by the age of three all children, boys and girls alike, know how to maneuver a canoe perfectly�It is truly breathtaking to observe a three-year-old child push off and paddle a canoe across an enormous river in full control of the craft.� (Wilbert 1976: 318) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Children�s pretending to be a fierce animal such as a shark or a tiger, which is so common in other societies, was never observed in Maing Tuu.� (Broch 1990:103) �Once I observed five girls engaged in the imitation of a female possession-trance ritual. The girls, all between four and seven years of age, were dancing and acting out the various roles of the ritual experts. They put the most elaboration into the act of walking on or stamping out imaginary embers. This play took place just a few days after a real possession-trance ritual had been conducted in a neighboring village.� (Broch 1990:107) Hogbin, Ian (1969) A Guadalcanal Society: The Kaoka Speakers. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. �Various items serve instead of the valuables that the grownups use�tiny pebbles instead of dog�s and porpoise teeth, the long flowers of a nut tree for strings of shell discs, and rats or lizards for pigs. When first the youngsters pretend to keep house they make no sexual distinction in the allocation of the tasks. Boys and girls together erect the shelters, plait the mats, cook the food, and fetch the water. But within a year or so, although they continue to play in company, the members of each group restrict themselves to the work appropriate to their sex. They boys leave the cooking and water carrying to the girls, who, in turn, refuse to help with the building.� (Hogbin 1969: 38) Mead, Margaret (1964) Continuities in Cultural Evolution. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. �Among the Balinese, children are encouraged to imitate the theatrical and artistic aspects of life.� (Mead 1964: 67) The Age of Reason Barber, Nigel (2010) Applying the Concept of Adaptation to Societal Differences in Intelligence. Cross-Cultural Research 44(2): 116-150. �Societal learning does not require a particularly high level of intelligence, although this point is obscured when scholars discuss it in anthropocentric ways. On the contrary, social learning is a feature of many vertebrate species, including lizards fish as well as birds and mammals.� (Barber 2010: 124) �Agricultural societies may actively discourage intellectual curiosity because this can lead to potentially costly experimentation with crop schedules and so forth (Barber 2010: 125) �Exposure to an information-rich environment outside school enhances information processing capability for humans as it does for other mammals (or vertebrates more generally).� (Barber 2010: 125) �IQ scores were positively related to secondary education and literacy. Intelligence thus rises as agriculture declines in economic importance and as education assumes increasing economic significance in the lives of ordinary people.� (Barber: 137) Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. �Children are rarely named by their parents before they are four.� (Rao 1998: 81) �Until they are about ten children are not called by these names either by their mothers and her relatives.� (Rao 1998: 81) �Osh comes to a human child increasingly from the age of seven or eight years (Gil�adi 1992: 23 mentions seven as the age at which children in medieval Islam were said to start �to distinguish between good and evil�)�to girls often a little earlier than to boys. However, generally boys are said to end up having more of it than girls.� (Rao 1998: 58) �It is osh which enables a shepherd to tend his flocks well, day and night�� (Rao 1998: 59) �It is hence from the age at which a child first begins to have osh and demonstrate intelligence that he is gradually entrusted with herd animals for a short while each day; he can now take small decisions�for him these are the first steps towards the herder�s autonomy. To eventually start sending a child to school also makes sense only when he/she has enough osh, for �knowledge� (ilum) can not be obtained without osh.��( Rao 1998: 59) �Increasing cultural competence is expected of a child from the age of about seven onwards. The juvenile period between about six or seven and ten years is in may ways critical.� (Rao 1998: 101) The decision to teach our children Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �The primary concept among the �qualities� and capabilities of a child, and later the capacities and character of an adult, relates to what we would refer to as �genetic� or �innate�. These characteristics are principally translated, as they say, through �blood��breast mild is equated with blood�thought to be formed from residual menstrual blood that has not been shed during pregnancy.� (Casimir 2010: 30) �Even one of the highest character values of Pashtun society��courage��is transferred mainly through the maternal line, through the mother�s milk.� (Casimir 2010: 30) #�West Pashtuns make a clear cognitive distinction between an adult and a child. �It dos not yet understand� and �he or she is still a child� are phrases often heard when a toddler or small child does not behave in the way expected of an older one. � �We do not explain to the children what is good and bad, because they do not understand.� �Children are also said to learn by experience�for example �when they touch the fire they learn that it hurts�.� (Casimir 2010: 31) ��toilet training: �If the child is old enough and able to understand, but nevertheless, still soils bed, it will be beaten; however, only after it has been told several times not to do so, and then too, only if it still does not stop�.� (Casimir 2010: 35) Redfield, Robert (1943/1970) Culture and Education in the Midwestern Highlands of Guatemala. In John Middleton (Ed.), From Child to Adult: Studies in the Anthropology of Education. Pp. 287-300. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. �Certainly it is not characteristic of this Ladino culture that the young gather around the knees of the old to listen reverently to a solemn exposition of the holy traditions and sacred memories of the people.� (Redfield 1943/1970: 291) Lewis, Jerome (2008) Ekila: Blood bodies, egalitarian societies. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 14: 297-315. Pygmy people whose culture includes a set of beliefs� ekila� that govern food taboos. �Children and young people learn the core of ekila practices and beliefs � concerning ekila animals, the effect of menstruation on animals, and its consequences for hunting � fairly easily, couched as they are in powerful bodily experiences and the vivid symbolism of blood. But children are unlikely to understand the relations between these core symbols and the clusters of meanings that connect with abstract social values and cultural ideologies on the periphery of ekila. Understanding this periphery builds up over time as other experiences and models are internalized.� (p. 309) General argument made that explicit teaching would be contrary to Pygmy notions of egalitarianism. Interesting contrast w/ Aunger�s Ituri farmers who do explicitly teach food taboos to older children/adolescents. Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. �Task competence begins early in life. Children emulate parents� activities.� (Ochs 2009: 395) Danielsson, Bengt (1952) The Happy Island. Lyon, F. H. (trans.). London: George Allen and Unwin. �Parents are seldom uneasy about their children or ask what they are doing; they take it for granted that children can look after themselves. As soon as they have discharged their duties�but not before�they have unrestricted freedom and can do what they like. Many parents even go so far as to let their children decide, even if they know that their decisions are unwise or hasty.� (Danielsson 1952: 121) �A typical case was that of Rari, a little girl of four. She had a serious attack of influenza and a high temperature, for which we had prescribed sulphatiazole. When we came to see her again her parents declared that we must give her some other medicine, as the child could not keep the sulphatiazole down�what we had been told was not true. The little girl was simply spitting out the sulphatiazole because she did not like the taste. The parents naturally preferred telling us a lie to making the wretched child take the medicine. Compulsion and corporal punishment are absolutely taboo in the bringing up of children in Polynesia.�(Danielsson 1952: 122) Gray, Peter (2009). Play as a foundation for hunter-gatherer social existence. American Journal of Play 1(4): 476-522. �The idea that this is �my child� or �your child� does not exist [among the Yequana]. Deciding what another person should do, no matter what his age, is outside the Yequana vocabulary of behaviors. There is great interest in what everyone does, but no impulse to influence�let alone coerce�anyone. The child�s will is his motive force.� (Gray 2009: 507) Astuti, Rita and Harris, Paul L.(2008) Understanding mortality and the life of the ancestors in rural Madagascar. Cognitive Science: A Multidisciplinary Journal, 32:4,713-740. Study showing that �7-year-old Vezo [Madagascar] children have a relatively coherent conception of both human and animal death� by approximately 6 years of age, Vezo children understand the biological process of species fixation �and] by age 7, Vezo children have mastered several key components of the biology of the life cycle. They claim that death brings virtually all processes�whether connected to the body or the mind�to a halt. [This occurs despite children�s frequent exposure to deeply held and clearly articulated Vezo belief in an afterlife.] (p. 733) Knowledge is not freely transmitted to children: In West Africa, d�Azevedo (1962a), notes that the critical importance (true also for Central Africa) of secret societies such as the Poro and Sande that initiate practically all boys and girls, respectively, into membership. Political authority in such societies is maintained by rituals which are supported on a web of hidden and allegedly dangerous and powerful knowledge only available to older, elite members of the community. Her argues further, �Gola Wealth and power are derived from knowledge, an those who possess the one are believed to have the other within their grasp. All who are able to establish authority over others and who prosper are believed to own some secret knowledge which explains their good fortune.� (d�Azevedo 1962b: 29) d�Azevedo, Warren L. (1962a) Uses of the past in Gola discourse. Journal of African History 3: 11-34. d�Azevedo, Warren L. (1962b) Some historical problems in the delineation of a Central West Atlantic Region. Annals of the New York Academy of Sciences 96: 513-538. Murphy, William P. (1980) Secret knowledge as property and power in Kpelle society: Elders versus youth. Africa 50: 193-207. �In Kpelle society secrecy separates elders from youth. It supports the elders� political and economic control of the youth (p. 193) �Since Kpelle elders stake privileged claim to knowledge of sale [esoteric knowledge and medicines] and [local] history, they have the greatest concern in sustaining the barriers and boundaries which protect their knowledge from encroachments. The youth learn to honor these boundaries through secret society training which imbues them with fear and respect for the elders� ownership of knowledge and their prerogatives over its distribution�(p.199) Kpelle elders' rights to knowledge, however, are impressed on the young by the frightening experience of secret society initiations and the persistent threat of beatings, poisonings, etc., for breaking the secrecy oath�The threat of physical punishment creates an atmosphere of fear which is more important than the actual knowledge taught by the zoo-na (pl. of zoo) to the young initiates of the Poro and Sande 'bush schools'�.while the young may acquire some knowledge in these societies, they usually know the most important practical skills, such as farming techniques, before joining. In many ways, the young learn little that they did not already know. Rather, initiation intensifies respect for the elders and their apparent knowledge of the mystical powers of the secret society.� (Murphy 1980: 200) Bledsoe, Caroline H. and Robey, Kenneth M. (1986) Arabic literacy and secrecy among the Mende of Sierra Leone. Man, New Series, 21 (2): 202-226. This study carefully documents the apprenticeship in which Mende (Sierra Leone) children attempt to become a Muslim wise man or shaman. The �Master� does everything possible to prolong the apprenticeship-during which novices are virtual slaves. Children are held back, learning to read and write very gradually, and fed small morsels of the Qur�an and various and sundry rituals and formulae. This insures their continued servitude and their inability to compete with the �Master.� The following illustrates vividly the perils associated with storing information in people and, then, restricting access to those who are mature. Barth, Fredrick 1987 Cosmologies in the Making: A Generative Approach to Cultural Variation in Inner New Guinea. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �It is essential to remember that the rite is performed approximately once every ten years in Bolovip; until its next performance the initiator and other Bolobip seniors may have the opportunity, if they so choose, to attend at most 4-5 other variants of the corresponding rite in neighbouring communities. Meanwhile it is difficult for anyone to create and define the highly guarded, reluctant social situation in which the Mafomnang is discussed�rites are for doing, at the appropriate occasions, not for idly chatting about. Thus, the whole rite would appear to be lodged in one person�s safekeeping, hedged by fearful taboos, represented by secret thoughts and a few cryptic concrete symbols during the long years of latency. When time comes around again, the leader of Mafomnang has the personal responsibility to recreate it, since there is a secret residue of its performance which he shares with no one.� (Barth 1987: 25) �When the ritual leader of the Baktaman decided to perform the sixth degree initiation during my residence there in 1968, he had to set aside several days to try to remember and reconstruct in his mind just how it was to be performed. He turned to a few intimates for help and discussion.� (Barth 1987: 26) �Recreation of an initiation after the interval of about ten years since its last performance seems to depend in part of remembering that performance in detail, in part on remembering the instructions and secrets previously communicated by elders in rare and highly charged moments of revelation of sacred truths.� (Barth 1987: 27) Reyes-Garcia, Victoria, Broesch, James, Calvet-Mir, Laura, Fuentes-Pel�ez, Nuria, McDade, Thomas W., Parsa, Sorush, Tanner, Susan, Huanca, Thom�s, Leonard, William R., Mart�nez-Rodr�guez, Maria R. (2009) Cultural transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge and skills: An empirical analysis from an Amerindian society. Evolution and Human Behavior 30: 274-285. �The father�s ethnobotanical knowledge is not associated to a man�s skills (Reyes-Garcia, et al 2009: 283).� �From a young age Tisimane� [Bolivian rainforest foragers/horticulturalists] girls are expected to perform household tasks and accompany mothers and other relatives to agricultural fields. Such close interaction could facilitate the transmission of ethnobotanical knowledge and skills from the older to the younger generation. In contrast, Tisimane� men are reluctant to take young children to the forest with them because of the dangers of the forest for young children and because children might make noise, thus spoiling the hunting opportunities. This could result in boys having fewer opportunities to directly interact with and learn from their fathers (Reyes-Garcia, et al 2009: 283).� Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1976) Training for the priesthood among the Kogi of Columbia. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 265-288. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �During the first two years of life, Kogi children are prodded and continuously encouraged to accelerate their sensory-motor development: creeping, walking, speaking. But in later years they are physically and vocally rather quiet. A Kogi mother does not encourage response and activity, but rather tries to soothe her child to keep him silent and unobtrusive.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 277) �Inquisitiveness by word or deed is severely censured, especially in women and children.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 283) Kulick, Don and Stroud, Christopher (1993) Conceptions and uses of literacy in a Papua New Guinean village. In Street, Brian (Ed), Cross-Cultural Approaches to Literacy. Pp 30-61. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gapun village, Sepik Region.. �Save is a metaphor often used in Gapun to mean social sensitivity and solidarity.� (Kulick 1993: 44) �Save, the knowledge that one sometimes must �suppress hed� (daunim hed), compromise and fulfill social obligation even if one doesn�t� want to, is the existential quality which villagers consider most clearly separates adults from children. Adults, have or should have, save. Children don�t�Children can be taught certain things, like the names of objects and of relatives, but save itself is not taught: save, in the villagers� view, �breaks open� inside the child, like an egg. Children begin to show evidence of save when they start, at between about twenty to thirty months, to use language by themselves to engage others in verbal interactions. Villagers thus view language used in inter- (Kulick 1993: 44) actions with others as both an indication and a result of save �breaking open�. This conceptual tie between verbal interaction and save suggests that villagers see language as one of the chief means through which an individual can express his or her social competence.� (Kulick 1993: 45) Nerlove, Sara B., Roberts, John M. Klein, Robert E., Yarbrough, Charles, Habicht, Jean-Pierre (1974) Natural Indicators of Cognitive Development: An Observational Study of Rural Guatemalan Children. Ethos 2(3): 265-295. �This study of natural indicators of cognitive development is based on observations of a sample of boys and girls aged five to eight years in each of two Guatemalan villages. The thesis of the study is that there are natural indicators of differences in specific aspects of cognitive development.� (Nerlove 1974: 265) �The degree to which children engaged in self-managed activities (either voluntary or involuntary) entailing the following of an exacting series of sequences was associated with success at a formal test of analytic ability; and the degree to which the children engaged in voluntary social activities was shown to be associated with success at a formal test of language ability. These associations in turn support the idea that adults and other children can (if they observe these and other natural activities) make reliable judgments of cognitive abilities and that these judgments differentially affect the ways in which children are socialized in the culture.� (Nerlove 1974: 266) �To what degree do the older members of a community make effective use of the talent available to them. An unintelligent person could not become a successful singer in�Navajo culture �to what extent are Navajo children discouraged in subtle ways from considering such an option when they probably lack the native ability to take it and to what extent are they encouraged if they have the capacity to become singers. Is there a "track" system of education to be found in nonliterate and simple societies?� (Nerlove 1974: 293) Keats, Daphne M. (1995) Cultural and environmental influences in the acquisition of concepts of intellectual competence. In Jaan Valsiner (Ed.), Child Development Within Culturally Structured Environments: Comparative�Cultural and Constructivist Perspectives. Pp. 271-285. Norwood, NJ: Ablex. �The importance of the cultural context of competence is also shown in studies with Australia Aborigines. [Aboriginal] Intelligence was most often seen as independence and helpfulness �Asking questions is considered neither intelligent or desirable.� (Keats 1995: 275) �In the Thai culture the quality of respect is uniquely valued. Children are encouraged to learn krengjai. Academic achievement without krengjai is not regarded as worthy. Krengjai incorporates a somewhat more cognitively complex concept then is usually understood in Western notions of �respect.��Krengjai is at the heart of the elegant system of Thai interpersonal relationships; it is also reinforces hierarchical distinctions�For the Thai, desirable intellectual performance includes effective social performance as an essential component.� (Keats 1995: 277) �There are few opportunities to develop problem-solving skills or independent critical thinking.� (Keats 1995: 277)�Thai studies have shown strong class differences, not only in school performance, but also in achievement motivation and moral development, in each case favoring the higher socioeconomic classes.� (Keats 1995: 275) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �A mother when nursing her little boy will often pat him gently on the penis, or, if she is bathing him, affectionately rub it. A baby�s erection is received with pleasure and more ruffling. Little girls� genitals seem to receive less attention, yet even then get an occasional playful pinch. An infant�s handling of the genitals receives no attention; but when a little boy receives trousers (at the age of about four or five) there begins a steady teasing to teach him modesty of dress, and girls receive this treatment even earlier. I observed no genital manipulation by children over five or so; and no sexual play between children.� (Geertz 1961: 102) �Obviously, the practice of children and adults sleeping together in one bed involves a good deal of physical intimacy�The facts of sexual intercourse seem to be successfully hidden, at least form the conscious awareness of children, in spite of the fact that is seems to be carried on in the same bed, or at least in the same room, as the children.� (Geertz 1961: 103) �The child before he is five or six is said to be durung djawa, which literally means �not yet Javanese�It implies a person who is not yet civilized, not yet able to control emotions in an adult manner, not yet able to speak with the proper respectful circumlocutions appropriate to different occasions. He is also said to be durung ngerti, �does not yet understand,� and therefore it is thought that there is no point in forcing him to be what he is not nor punishing him for incomprehensible faults.� (Geertz 1961: 105) Nichter, Mimi & Nichter, Mark (1987) A tale of Simeon: Reflections on raising a child while constructing fieldwork in rural South India. In Joan Cassell (Ed.), Children in the Field: Anthropological Experiences. Pp. 65-89. Philadelphia, PA: Temple University Press. �Many of the differences between our treatment of Simeon and villagers� treatment of their children revolved around beliefs about child development. We were anxious to teach Simeon as much as we could, and we encouraged him to find out about new things�to be active, to explore. We taught him words for things outside (e.g., the stars, the names of herbs), while village parents mainly concentrated on teaching words for things inside first: most important kinship terms. Our inquiries into developmental markers, for example, at what age a child was expected to walk or talk, were considered odd and we continually answered with a polite �When they walk, they walk. When they talk, they talk.� Rapid development, while desirable from a Western perspective, was a source of worry and concern for villagers. For one thing, a child who was quick to develop was susceptible to the evil eye, which might result in boils on the child�s skin or stammering. The latter concern might occur as a result of some remarking, �Oh, how well he speaks.� Another concept that affected notions of child development was ayashu, or fixed life span. If children develop too quickly�by acting with maturity greater than their years�families suspect that their life span will be short.� (Nitcher 1987: 74) �A third notion that mediated ideas of development was prakrti, constitution. If a child was lethargic from malnutrition, parents would often assume is was the child�s constitution to be �that way.� Many villagers had never seen a child as active as Simeon, and it was generally assumed that this was a result of his inherited constitution. Even Simeon�s curiosity was interpreted as constitutional; after all, weren�t his father and mother always asking questions and constantly moving here and there?� (Nitcher 1987: 74) #�Villagers had few notions of the child as an individual with a will of his or her own. Instead, they viewed a child as a source of entertainment.� (Nitcher 1987: 74) �Adults subjected Simeon to constant teasing, offering him something to play with and then, moments later, asking for it back, citing a kinship term: �I�m your mothers� brother, mava, can�t I have it now?��We came to understand that teasing a child and then observing the response was a way villagers could evaluate a child�s character and personality.� (Nitcher 1987: 75) Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �The German mothers valued autonomy significantly more than relatedness and the opposite was true for the rural Nso mothers.� (Keller 2007: 105) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Typical Bonerate children are defined as being bodoh (stupid)�that is, they have no wisdom or knowledge of social norms and values. By implication they are not responsible for their misdeeds and behavior, and you cannot demand much from them (p. 15)� Because they have not developed a mature mind of their own, children are generally not punished (p. 73)�When children violate moral standards or cultural norms of conduct; they are excused with reference to the general fact that children are bodoh. Just as Bonerate people cannot define precisely the onset of childhood, which comes after an introductory stage that lasts through infanthood and babyhood, they have difficulty describing the boundaries between childhood and adolescence and between adolescence and adulthood. These transitions are stages rather than fixed points. In most instances adulthood begins with marriage, but the full status of adult membership in the village is normally not granted until the first child is born to a couple.� (Broch 1990:15) �Parents say children have their individual speed of development, and there is no reason to worry if a child does not toddle around at an early age. He will let go when ready.� (Broch 1990:31) The Decision to Teach Our Children Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �If a child does not walk when about two years old, it is helped to learn to do so. A 2-year-old boy was given such help during an interview. His mother supported him under his armpits while his 5-year-old sister swung one of his legs forward and then the other.� (Hilger 1957: 28) �Parents take notice of a child�s first laugh and first words. � Nothing is done to assist the child in developing early speech. �If we knew of anything to do, we would do it for my brother. He is older than 2 years and can speak only a few words.�� (Hilger 1957: 28) Paradise, Ruth and Rogoff, Barbara (2009). Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in. Ethos. 37: 102-138. In numerous studies of children�s social learning in Mexican village settings, the authors note: In these cases, an expert�s intent to instruct was not necessary for these children to learn through observation, though repeated opportunities to observe and interest in learning the activities, as well as engagement in them (even if discouraged), were essential (Paradise 2009: 117) �Where children participate in a wide range of family and community activities, conversation and questions between children and adults usually occur for the sake of sharing necessary information, and adults rarely focus conversation on child-related topics in order to engage children in talk. Talk supports and is integral to the endeavor at hand rather than becoming the focus of a lesson (Paradise 2009: 118). The expectation that learners will avoid asking questions may also be based on a respect for the ongoing endeavor, avoiding interrupting and constraining the expert�s activity. Questioning by children may signal immature self-centeredness and rudeness (rather than signaling curiosity or valued inquisitiveness) (Paradise 2009: 121). De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology. Pp. 3-23. New York: Free Press. �A little girl took her mother�s sharp ulo without permission, and cut her finger, her paternal (?) aunts, to whom she appealed for help, at first refused to bandage the cut, telling her she would die.� (De Laguna 1965: 12) Barnett, Homer G. (1979). Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �Men do not introduce their sons to the sea, the economic domain of the Pulauan male, nor do they urge and coach them toward an eventual mastery of it. They prefer other men for fishing companions and pay little attention to the boys who straggle along observing and learning as the opportunity offers. It is the same with the making of a net, or the carving of a bowl, or the construction of a house. If a boy wants to learn these things, he goes to a man who is especially competent in them. Equally crucial is the failure of the older men gradually to expose and explain to their sons the intricacies of Palauan political scheming, prestige competition, and social controls. All that the maturing youth can do is watch and listen, and sometimes to ask questions. He soon learns, however, that there are taboo areas, whole sectors of life that are so completely closed to him that even self-instruction is impossible.� (Barnett 1979: 9) In the book, I identified only a single case (Puluwat navigation) where there was evidence of formal instruction in the village. Since, I�ve found three more, the transmission of food taboos to children in Central African (Ituri area) farming communities (Aunger 2000) and the two that follow: Watson-Gegeo, Karen Ann & Gegeo, David Welchman (1992) Schooling, knowledge, and power: Social transformation in the Solomon Islands. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 23(10): 10-29. #�The traditional Kwara�ae equivalent of formal school is called fa�amanata�anga, �shaping the mind� (literally, causative + think + normative). A general term for teaching, fa�amanata�anga also refers to a formal, serious-to-sacred context in which direct teaching and interpersonal counseling is undertaken in high rhetoric. Fa�amanata�anga involves abstract discussion and the teaching of reasoning skills through question-answer pairs, rhetorical questions, tightly argued sequences of ideas and premises, comparison-contrast, and causal (if-then) argumentation. Regularly held sessions begin in early childhood (18 months in some families), become increasingly elaborate and formal, and continue throughout life. Session leaders may be family (parents), descent group seniors, or an invited elder or knowledge specialists. Sessions focused on children are usually led by their parents.� (Watson-Gegeo 1992: 13) Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1976) Training for the priesthood among the Kogi of Columbia. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 265-288. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Kogi of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta in northeastern Columbia are a small tribe of some 6,000 Chibcha-speaking Indians.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 265) �The economic basis of Kogi culture consists of small garden plots. � A few domestic animals such as chicken, pigs, � Slash-and-burn agriculture is heavy work, and the harsh, mountainous environment makes transportation a laborious task�Behind the drab fa�ade of penury, the Kogi lead a rich spiritual life.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 266) �The Kogi are a deeply religious people and they are guided in their faith by a highly formalized priesthood. Although all villages have a headman who nominally represents civil authority, the true power of decision in personal and community matters is concentrated in the hands of the native priests, called m�mas. These men, most of whom have a profound knowledge of tribal custom, are not simple curers of shamanistic practitioners, but fulfill priestly functions, taught during years of training and exercised in solemn rituals.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 271) �Kogi priests are the products of a long and arduous training, under the strict guidance of one or several old and experienced m�mas. In former times it was the custom that, as soon as a male child was born, the mama would consult in a trance the Mother-Godess, to ascertain whether or not the newborn babe was to be a future priest.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 272) �Ideally, a future priest should receive a special education since birth; the child would immediately be separated from his mother and given into the care of the m�ma�s wife, or any other woman of childbearing age whom the mama might order to join his household as a wet nurse.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 273) �If for some reason, a family refused to give up the child, the civil authorities might have to interfere and take the child away by force. It was always the custom that the family should pay the m�ma for the education of the boy, by sending periodically some food to his house, or by working in his fields.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 273) �The full training period should be eighteen years, divided into two cycles of nine years each, the novice reaching puberty by the end of the first cycle.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 273) �A m�ma punishes an inattentive novice by depriving him of food or sleep, and quite often beats him sharply over the head. �Children may be ordered to kneel on a handful of cotton seeds or on some small pieces of a broken pottery vessel. A very painful punishment consists of kneeling motionless with horizontally outstretched arms while carrying a heavy stone in each hand.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 278) �The novices are made to repeat the myths, songs, or spells until they have memorized not only the text and the precise intonation, but also the body movements and minor gestures that accompany the performance.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 279) �Between the end of the first nine-year cycle of education and the onset of the second cycle, the novice reaches puberty�During the second cycle, the teachings of the master concentrate upon divinatory practices, the preparation of offerings, the acquisition of power objects, and the rituals of the life cycle. During this period, education tends to become extremely formal because now it is much more closely associated with ritual and ceremony.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 280) �The Kogi are fully aware that any intellectual activity depends on linguistic competence and that only a very detailed knowledge of the language will permit the precise naming of things, ideas, and events, as a fundamental step in establishing categories and values. In part, linguistic tutoring is concerned with correctness of speech.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 281) #�Moral education is, of course, at the core of a priest�s training. Since childhood, a common method of transmitting a set of simple moral values consists in the telling and retelling of the �counsels,� � These tales are a mixture of myth, familial story, and recital, and often refer to specific interpersonal relations within the family setting.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 283) �The entire teaching process is aimed at this slow, gradual, building up to the sublime moment of the self-disclosure of god to man, of the moment when Sint�na or B�nkuas� or one of their avatars reveals himself in a flash of light and says: �Do this! Go there!��To induce these visionary states the Kogi use certain hallucinogenic drugs.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 285) Gladwin, Thomas and Sarason, Seymour B. (1953) Truk: man in paradise. New York: Wenner-Gren Foundation. �Rachel [describes] learning to make woven waist mats (lavalavas), a process which began when she was thirteen. In the initial phases of her learning her parents made her begin by herself several of the many steps in the manufacture of lavalavas from hibiscus and banana fibers. When she got into difficulties they laughed at her and then finished the job themselves�Rachel continued her learning�how to dye the fibers, set up the loom, weave, and so on. �Whenever I complained of being tired of learning these different kinds of work all the time (Gladwin 1953: 414) they would speak to me sternly; then I would just work on, afraid they would beat me.� Finally when she was seventeen Rachel made her first lavalava (Gladwin 1953: 415). When it came time for Rachel to learn to make [a] basket�her father took her over to his mother�s house in order to have her teach Rachel this skill [but she] �was indignant that they should be teaching Rachel so much when she was so young. When her father insisted that his mother make a basket she did so; but she did it rapidly and refused to answer Rachel�s questions� Gladwin and Sarason 1953: 414) Bollig, Laurentius (1927) The Inhabitants of the Truk Islands: Religion, Life and a Short Grammar of a Micronesian People. Munster, Germany: Aschendorff. �The [Trukese] do not have any training of children in our sense.�(Bollig 1927: 96) Marshall, John (1958) Man as a hunter. Natural History 67(7): 276-395. �No formal instruction is practiced among the !Kung, with the possible exception of certain kinds of religious teaching and what might be called an occasional hunting school. Learning to gather comes from the children's observation of the more experienced women.� (Marshall 1958: 286) Anderson, Myrdene (1978) Saami Ethnoecology: Resource Management in Norwegian Lapland. Ann Arbor, MI.: University Microfilms International. Western Finnmark and northern Troms counties in Norway/reindeer herding �The child imitating or performing an adult chore does so out of boredom and inspiration. He is not instructed before starting a project, nor does he solicit help. Others may even be unaware of the project underway.� (Anderson 1978: 194) #Berdan, Frances F. (1976) Enculturation in an imperial society: The Aztecs of Mexico. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 237-264. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications.#�#�The pilpil is a child of five or six years of age. For these children there is no direct indication of formal attempts to train them in skills or inculcate them with morals. �Rather, the �good child� is merely described as healthy, strong, and happy. Conversely, the �bad child� is sickly, maimed, and violent in temperament. � the subsequent category, piltontli (boy), suggest that few overt attempts at instruction were made until a child reached this stage. The �good boy� is �teachable, tractable�one who can be directed. The good-hearted boy (is) obedient, intelligent, respectful, fearful; one who bows in reverence. He bows in reverence, obeys, respects others, is indoctrinated.�� (Berdan 1976:244) Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �For the Nso women, clearly the developmental domain that is to be accelerated is motor development and the major tool used to achieve this goal is a special Nso practice of body stimulation: lifting the child up and down in a vertical position. (p. 119)�The Nso also practice for motor milestones when they place infants in vessels or let them practice walking.� (Keller 2007: 120) Accelerate independence, reducing labor of child care� �Body stimulation is anther highly valued parenting system in Gujarati villages. One domain of body stimulation is baby massage. In a study on baby massage in the Nandesari area, Abels (2002) reported that the interviewed women referred to the health of the baby and to the effect of body massage making babies strong; it is good from the bones, the blood can move freely and the veins are separated. Moreover, 24% of the statements in the massage study referred to strong legs so that the infant learns to walk quickly. Another domain of body stimulation is infant standing.� (Keller 2007: 122) �Q: And is it essential to walk early? A: Is it essential? It is good for him to walk early than crawl�Except early walking, there are other beneficial developmental consequences of the standing practice as a 32-year-old illiterate mother of six pointed out: �If we make a child stand like this, his legs will be stronger. He passes urine and he digests milk easily. It is good for the child to make him stand.� (Keller 2007: 123)�A standing baby also makes less work for the mother�Q: So while defecating is it essential to make the child stand? Do you feel so? Why? A: This is because the clothes do not become dirty.� (Keller 2007: 124) Polak, Barbara (1998) Wie Bamana kinder feldarbeit lernen. In Heike Schmidt & Albert Wirz (eds), Afrika und das Andere: Alterit�t und Innovation. Pp. 103-114. M�nster, Germany Lit Verlag. �You might remember that we talked about the widespread practice among African peasants (at least in the past): to dig a hole in the ground of the field they are working in and sit their toddlers into these holes. In this way mothers who had no older girls or a niece to do the babysitting task could supervise their little children while working and prevent them from causing damage. I wrote a few sentences about this practice in my first (German) article about Bamana children which I am sending you as attachment.� (You will find this example on page 106 Polak 1998: 6) Guemple, Lee (1979) Inuit socialization: A study of children as social actors in an Eskimo community. In Karigoudar Ishwaran (Ed.),Childhood and Adolescence in Canada. Pp. 39-71. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. ��in an important sense, Inuit do not socialize their children�In our society we see a child as an essentially empty vessel which, through the complementary acts of teaching and learning, is gradually filled with the knowledge and strategies which make it possible for it to cope with a complex social universe. Inuit, by way of contrast, see a child as already whole having a personality fully formed at birth in latent form. All of these he will manifest and use in good time with but little assistance. In�the Inuit image of infants, children and adolescents as social actors, endowed as they are with already well formed social personalities.� (Guemple 2979: 39) �The acquisition of any new skill by a young person is always celebrated. Whenever a girl catches her first salmon trout or sews her first pair of socks, and whenever a young boy kills his first goose or traps his first fox, the community is given notice of the growing competence of the child.� (Guemple 2979: 45) �Children are allowed to explore the world using what skills they can muster; and there is remarkably little meddling by older people in this learning process. Parents do not presume to teach their children what they can as easily learn on their own.� (Guemple 2979: 50) Gosselain, Olivier P. (2008) Mother bella was not a bella: Inherited and transformed traditions in Southwestern Niger. In Miriam T. Start, Brenda J. Bowser, and Lee Horne (Eds.), Cultural Transmission and Material Culture: Breaking Down Boundaries. Pp. 150-177. Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. �When looking at these studies�one gets the feeling that parent-to-offspring accounts of transmission could be partially fictional, a research artifact due perhaps to an over-reliance on interviews during fieldwork, some preconceptions about craft learning in informal contexts, and the emphasis put by the artisans themselves on �tradition� and �heritage,� especially when confronted by foreigners.� (Gosselain 2008: 153) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Children are not living their lives in a social vacuum. Their adult relatives grant whatever privileges and duties their childhood is based upon (p. 11)�adult members of the society evaluate child activities as proper conduct for various developmental stages. The adult community grants its children permission to do certain tasks and prohibits them from doing others because parents and community members share many goals for the children. On the other hand, healthy children are seldom constrained by rules, norms, and parental goals and wishes to a degree that immobilizes them in complete obedience to all cultural demands.� (Broch 1990:12) Aunger, Robert (2000) The life history of culture learning in a face to face society. Ethos 28(3): 445-481 �This is unsatisfactory as a theory of how cultural knowledge persists over time. In particular, there is a conspicuous lack of attention�in standard social theory generally�to information as a distributed resource (Thompson 1995). Recognition of this simple fact has many ramifications. I will concentrate here on three. First, it urges us to identify the agents behind cultural transmission. Second, it implies not everyone has equal access to cultural knowledge, which in turn suggests that intra-cultural variation may be significant. Third, by emphasizing the need for beliefs and values to spread, it forces attention on the psychology of information acquisition, since only internalized knowledge is likely to be further transmitted. (Aunger 2000: 446) ��responsibility for indoctrinating the young may be distributed throughout the local community.� (Aunger 2000: 447) ��cultural knowledge is not just transmitted information but the internalized derivatives of others' social inputs. This internalization depends on the entire personalities of each individual: cognitive, evaluative, and affective. Through this process, some cultural information acquires emotional and directive force, and thus determines an individual's behavior�.Other anthropological research has shown, however, that the nature of culture acquisition is also determined by the social context in which transmission occurs�much knowledge is implicit, and can only be acquired through practice�For information to become embodied knowledge, the individual must engage in the everyday use of that new knowledge, so that feedback from experience can produce understanding. Thus, over time, socialization (or FAX theory) has given way to an emphasis on the active filtering of cultural inputs (internalization), which in turn has been replaced by activity-in-context as the dominant paradigm (Aunger 2000: 448) within which the reproduction of social systems is understood. The picture has become progressively more complex as new types of considerations have been added. The unit of analysis has advanced from the abstract group, to the passive individual (the recipient of culturally transmitted information), to the actively appraising individual (internalization theory), to the socially situated individual, to a cluster of behaving individuals (novices, experts, and their tools) within a field of practice. The notion of culture itself has followed these changes in perspective�going from being a bucket poured into empty mental reservoirs, to the product of an active engagement between individual minds and a circulating complex of knowledge. Individuals are seen as gaining access to this knowledge within a specific social context and incorporating it in their own inimitable fashion.� (Aunger 2000: 449) ��few take a life-span perspective; in particular, cultural learning among adults is almost universally ignored. This is because socialization has traditionally been presumed to end at adolescence. However, significant changes in social roles and self-perceptions continue into adulthood, as individuals enter new social arenas.� (Aunger 2000: 449) Transmission of food-taboos� �In fact, results from the pattern of correlations between members of households and within villages in the study population suggest the degree of non-parental transmission is insignificant in this belief system, at least during the early years of life when most food avoidances are acquired. Thus, it is true that parents are important figures in the maintenance of these cultural traditions. This may be particularly the case for aspects of culture that are closely tied to personal identity, such as food avoidances. Some avoidances are also linked to a norm that such beliefs should be acquired specifically from parents. However, even here, it is possible to see a discrepancy between norms and practice: especially as individuals age and come under the influence of people outside their close family, they continue to learn about their culture, obliterating to some degree the traces of knowledge acquired earlier from parents.� (Aunger 2000: 450) Farming villages in the Ituri Forest� �These people live in small, clan-based villages of under thirty individuals, situated along a single dirt road. Gardens are quite small, and food is supplemented through exchanges of garden produce for meat captured by the forager group with whom each clan has a traditional relationship. Avoidances against consumption primarily concern the forest-dwelling animals obtained through these economic exchanges�Over three hundred different types of reasons for avoiding foods were reported by this population. (Aunger 2000: 452)� Homeopathic Taboos. For example, "Kelikofu [a type of hornbill] is bad for parents of children to eat, for when a child is sick, it shakes just as the bird, when comes out of its hole [in a tree trunk], is cold and shakes. (Aunger 2000: 453) ��the Ituri people themselves have a normative model that these beliefs should be vertically transmitted�the rule is that parents should transmit these beliefs to their offspring of the same gender�when a child reaches about seven years of age ("when the child begins to have some sense"), the same gender parent begins to opportunistically present the child with samples of a particular food item, with instruction that this item cannot be eaten. Often, some rationale is also provided, such as: "My parent did not eat this food; neither can you. It is our tareta [restriction]." The parent repeats these instructions, with or without the benefit of an example of the food item, while impressing on the child the necessity of continued transmission ("This is our tareta; you must not let your child eat this food or it will become sick"). The child remembers these avoidances throughout life, and at the appropriate point in his/her own children's lives goes through the same instructional process with them. Thus, each individual should avoid those foods that his/her same-gender parent told him/her not to eat; this parent was in turn taught by his/her own parent. (Aunger 2000: 453) Has data that suggest self-report of cultural transmission may inflate vertical transmission from parents to offspring� �Intra-cultural variation in belief among individuals known to share specific households or villages is used to infer where people learn cultural beliefs about the edibility of foods.� (Aunger 2000: 468) ��analysis presented here and elsewhere suggests there are three phases in the normal life course of social learning with respect to food taboos in the Ituri. The first phase is one of cultural innocence, during roughly the first ten years of life, when all foods are viewed as potentially edible because no social restrictions have yet been placed on them; personal preferences rule behavior. Children are simply considered too naive and thoughtless to bother trying to socialize. ( Aunger 2000: 470)� In Phase Two, occupying approximately the next decade of an individual's life, the first phase of transmission takes place, largely from parents. Becoming culturally competent takes time; many individuals do not acquire a full complement of taboos until well into their twenties�The third and final life history phase consists of a longer, but less intense period of cultural transmission �this time with significant extra-familial inputs. This largely constitutes relearning or changing one type of knowledge for another�Perhaps the most interesting general result of the present analysis is the greater cultural variation within households than between households from the same village. This suggests that variation in the pattern of transmission between households generally blurs smaller-scale structures or belief-clusters. This is an indication that, as individuals get older, they look not just to parents and sibs but to those outside the household for cultural models.� (Aunger 2000: 471) Paradise, Ruth and Rogoff, Barbara (2009) Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in. Ethos 37(1): 102-138. In numerous studies of children�s social learning in Mexican village settings, the authors note: �In these cases, an expert�s intent to instruct was not necessary for these children to learn through observation, though repeated opportunities to observe and interest in learning the activities, as well as engagement in them (even if discouraged), were essential (Paradise 2009: 117) �Where children participate in a wide range of family and community activities, conversation and questions between children and adults usually occur for the sake of (Paradise 2009: 118) sharing necessary information, and adults rarely focus conversation on child-related topics in order to engage children in talk. Talk supports and is integral to the endeavor at hand rather than becoming the focus of a lesson (Paradise 2009: 118). The expectation that learners will avoid asking questions may also be based on a respect for the ongoing endeavor, avoiding interrupting and constraining the expert�s activity. Questioning by children may signal immature self-centeredness and rudeness (rather than signaling curiosity or valued inquisitiveness) (Paradise 2009: 121). The Importance of Good Manners Shahbazi, Mohammed (2001). The Qashqa�i nomads of Iran: Formal education. Nomadic Peoples. 5(1): 37-64. Formerly nomadic Turkic tribe. �All Qashqa�i children learned who their relatives were�learn[ing] to recite four generations of� [one�s genealogy] � Also taught to show proper hospitality to guests. p. 55 Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �The first manners that children are taught comprise their attitudes and behavior toward relatives, and these are embedded in the hierarchal structure of this patrilineal society. �There is also a clear rank order of obedience towards relatives. Thus, a boy has to obey his father�s brother (kaka) and treat him with greater respect than his mother�s brother (mama) but to whom, it is said, he is emotionally closer. This was explained by the fact that when a boy�s father dies, his kaka �becomes his father�: and on his death, the boy is one of his heirs. A boy must also obey his elder brother(s). An older sister has the right to advise her younger brother and is not obligated to follow his instructions, although it is his duty to watch over her honour.� (Casimir 2010: 29) Edwards, Bill and Underwood, Bruce (2006) Changes in Education as Hunters and Gatherers Settle: Pitjantjatjara Education in South Australia. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 101-119. Oxford: Berghan Books. �Children are constantly told of their relationships to others and reminded of the behaviors expected of them. Older girls and women tell stories incorporating this knowledge to younger girls. In story telling games, milpatjunanyi, marks traced in the sand symbolize the stories.� (Edwards 2006: 105) Clark, Scott (1998) Learning at the Public Bathhouse. In John Singleton (Ed.), Learning in Likely Places: Varieties of Apprenticeship in Japan. (pp. 239-252). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �I have observed mothers, fathers, and other children prompt toddlers with the appropriate salutation as they meet or part at the entrance to the [bathouse] sento. A bow seems to have already been learned by this time and appears to be automatic when the words are uttered. � An important lesson taught to children is that for the sento experience to be enjoyable, they must not interfere with others. Children learn the (p. 241) bounds of permissible behavior in a Japanese group.� (Clark 1998: 242) �Children, in particular, are taught to make way for the elderly. Children are also expected to show filial devotion to their parents and grandparents at the bath. It is common to see children washing their parents� backs and lightly massaging their shoulders. I never observed this being done at the behest of a coercive parent. The child is gradually taught through observation and encouragement that to take care of the parent and older people is an enjoyable duty. Parents will point to an incident of this filial devotion and tell the children how wonderful it is, gently persuading them to imitate those acts.� (Clark 1998: 243) �The sento has long been thought of as a place for children to learn about life and becoming a member of a community. � Japanese have discussed the importance of sento as a social education center for young people.� (Clark 1998: 243) Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �When elders speak, children either listen or are expected to be, and usually are, busy in a quiet way at play or work�Children are trained not to pass in from of persons.� (Hilger 1957: 51) Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. [My] 1978-79 study of Samoan children�s language development and socialization documented caregivers routinely prompting infants to notice, accommodate, and anticipate needs of others. Infants were held face outward to witness activities and interactions nearby. Toddlers were fed facing others and prompted to notice and call out to people.� (Ochs 2009: 397) �Children are taught to give and to share.� (Hilger 1957: 52) Stasch, Rupert (2009) Society of Others: Kinship and Mourning in a West Papuan Place. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. Parents and other close family members routinely instruct small children who their kin are and what to call them, such as (p. 158) when the children newly encounter those kin during visits. The parents say they do this so that the children will know the visitors as relatives rather than strangers.� (Stasch 2009: 159) Schulze, Pamela A. and Richardson, Belinda M. (2009) African American beliefs regarding socialization goals, parenting and early childhood care. Unplublished MS, Akron, OH: University of Akron. Survey of A-A parents, lower to lower-middle class. 92% valued �Good Manners�, �Obedience� vs 50% valued �Intellectually Curious.� Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. (pp. 303-358). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Warao are a South American Indian tribe that has dwelled in the Orinoco Delta.� (Wilbert 1976: 303) �The name Warao designates specifically a single person and generically the entire tribe. The word derived from wa, �canoe,� and arao, �owner.� The Warao are owners of canoes. In this society, therefore, to become an expert canoe maker is tantamount to becoming a man, and the worst one can say about a man is that he is wayana, �without canoe.� (Wilbert 1976: 303) �Behavior offensive to the canoe, or rather to the spirit of the canoe, called Masisikiri, can occur as early as during a child�s infancy. �The child first leans to refrain from urinating or (worse still) defecating in or near the canoes. The toilet training of small children, I found, is not severe among the Warao, and nobody gets upset if the child soils the house.� (Wilbert 1976: 335) �Girls are taught to say away from large dugouts, especially as long as the canoes are new, lest their actions, even their mere presence, cause damage, sickness, and death to themselves or to their kin. Boys too must behave properly around a large canoe. Besides the restrictions pertaing to bad odors they have to learn a series of other taboos related to boat making and boat ownership.� (Wilbert 1976: 335) Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Parents also claim to be ashamed of their children�s public behavior�They would allow the children to be chastised by others, to even join in the chastisement themselves.� (p. 54) �The activities that make up Baining social life are preeminently processes of producing social actors. Whatever their own cultural limitation, they aware that they are the agents of their own creation: as they say, �they make themselves.� For the Baining, then, human agency, as the capacity for willed, consciously directed activity, is the central quality of human social life that links the complementary aspects of social persons as the products and producers of one another, and their shared social world. As this implies, the Baining, do not conceive of this capacity or its products, their conventional forms of activity and personal (Fajans 1997:282) identity, as �natural.� (p. 283) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �By the time a child is around two years old, it also has learned to use smiles and coyness to get approval�.A few years later, a blank, unsmiling face will be a sign of a well-mannered child, especially a girl, and laughter a sign of potentially loose morals.� (Friedl 1997: 120) �A smiling young child is rare, a special delight. Young children do not seem to find much to smile about,� said Hurijan, healer of children�s ailments. �And this is better so,� she added. �Life isn�t funny anyway.� Besides, a very sweet young child is in danger of becoming spoiled (nazeli)�may get used to (amukhte vabi) to indulgences so much that it will grow up to be ill-mannered and lazy, foul-mouthed.� (Friedl 1997: 121) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �The same kind of learning by being pushed and pulled through a simple pattern of motion occurs in the acquisition of the speech forms of respect�I have often seen children little more than a year old, barely able to stand, go through a polite bow and say an approximation of the high word for good-by�Just as she keeps saying the proper term over and over for him�the mother always refers to various adults by the polite term that the child should use until he automatically falls into the pattern. Politeness learning is highly emphasized by the prijaji (people of aristocratic value orientation), and a prijaji child of five or six already has an extensive repertoire of graceful phrases and actions.� (Geertz 1961: 100) �Isin may be translated as �shame, shyness, embarrassment, guilt.� A child even as young as three begins to ngerti isin, to �know isin� which is thought to be the first step toward growing up. (p. 111)� As they grow older isin is taught them, first by mobilizing the already established wedi reactions, later by playing on developing self-esteem by deliberate shaming. The two-year-old, silent in fear that the strange visiting man will, as his mother had warned, bite him if he makes a noise, is not unrelated to the four-year-old who, stiff with shyness, hides behind his mother�The result of the inculcation of isin in children is that at any formal public occasion, such as a wedding or a club meeting, they are exceedingly quiet and well-behaved and will sit docilely at their parent�s side through hours and hours of formal speeches.� (Geertz 1961: 113) �The nature of discipline and the canons of obedience thus change as the child grows.� (Geertz 1961:114) Guemple, Lee (1979) Inuit socialization: A study of children as social actors in an Eskimo community. In Karigoudar Ishwaran (Ed.), Childhood and Adolescence in Canada. Pp. 39-71. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. �Babies are drilled daily on their terms for relatives.� (Guemple 1979: 43) Ochs, Elinor (2008) Learning from a language socialization perspective. Invited Paper presented at Symposium: Collaboration in the Study of Childhood: Anthropological Perspectives on Learning. American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. In spite of cases in the ethnographic record where adults teach children kin and politeness terms, the world�s authority on language socialization, Elinor Ochs, cautions: �Overwhelmingly, however, language socialization transpires implicitly as members of a social group recurrently involve children in language-mediated activities, where children are positioned to attend to the sequential orderliness of language practices and ways in which language is conventionally used to index expected stances, actions, identities, and ideologies.� (Ochs 2008: presentation) Beverly, Elizabeth A. and Whittemore, Robert D. (1993) Mandinka children and the geography of well-being. Ethos 21(3): 235-272. ��adults deny providing any formal education in kinship reckoning, although informal education clearly consists of overheard conversations among adults. Adults may clarify for one another the identity of a specific luntangho, or stranger/guest, by repeating his or her clan name and origins, including kin associations with locally known consanguinea1 or affinal relations.� (Beverly 1993: 239) Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. �Alfred may not have had scholarly teachers, but � heard and learnt by heart many English poems. Such poems contained within them not only teaching on the proper character and behavior of a nobleman, but also the history of the people. In a society that was still largely illiterate, the important skills to develop for adulthood were retentive memory, and a thorough knowledge of the history of feuds, kinships and land claims.� (Crawford 1999: 146) �Boys, as in the later medieval period, must have learnt how to behave in company as part of their education. Children, noble and otherwise, crop up in the sources as servants of noblemen, although one aristocratic child placed in service with Abbot Benedict objected to this method of education: �A noble born child held light before [Benedict�s] table, and began to take offence that he had to serve him in such mean things. The saint, through God�s Spirit, soon perceived his pride, and, severely reproving him, said, �Brother, bless they heart�, and ordered the light to be taken from him, and him to set; and he related to his brothers the pride of the child in detail.� Even Alfred, champion of schooling and literacy taught �virtuous behaviour� as well as literacy to the sons of his household and visitors. As in the latter Middle Ages, learning the skills of service and noble behaviour were of paramount importance in the education of the nobility.� (Crawford 1999: 147) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Childhood, the second phase, starts at an approximate age of five years. In this stage the world becomes wider, for children are free to roam about. At this phase youngsters also get their first assigned chores, such as carrying water and taking care of younger children. This is also the period when play activities dominate much of the child�s time. At the same time tentative, informal instruction begins to be offered by adult villagers. Late childhood and early puberty, the third phase, starts about the time of circumcision. Today physiological puberty sets in somewhat earlier than the social ritual�for the boys. At this time interaction between boys and girls is beginning to be more formalized. Both are more involved in various household chores such as agricultural work, fishing, and cooking. By now youths should also have developed a more formal understanding of social positions within the commu-(Broch 1990:27)ity. They become more attentive to their physical appearance and may often appear shy in situations where they were previously unconcerned.� (Broch 1990: 28) Fostering Conformity and Altruism Rochat, Phillipe (2009) Others in Mind: Social Origins of Self-Consciousness. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �The fear of rejection determines how humans relate to each other.� (Rochat 2009: 21) �The exacerbated need of humans to affiliate and bind to others probably evolved as an adaptation to their extraordinary prolonged immaturity and helplessness outside the womb. This adaptation is also associated with an exacerbated fear of separation, a fear eventually evolving to become the human fear of rejection, matrix of all human fears.� (Rochat 2009: 25) �There seems to be a universal dichotomy and permanent, ongoing attempts at reconciling two perspectives on the self: a private, embodied first-person perspective and a public, third-person�With old age, in particular deteriorating physical and mental abilities, the gap between the two perspectives on the self becomes increasingly difficult to reconcile.� (Rochat 2009: 27) �The image in Figure 2 shows Melanesian children on the island Tanna in Vanuatu (in the South Pacific) contemplating and being very much enticed by their appearance on the pivoted viewer of the video camera filming them live. I took this picture of my traveling companion while visiting a remote �Kustom� village, a very traditional village with no electricity, nor modern amenities �the life of these children is still very much regulated by stable collective activities and ritual that all seem to promote social fusion of the individual in the group rather than self-promotion. In such small traditional societies, sticking out as an individual from the group is not valued. Yet, the fascination and inclination to contemplate the self seem universal, as demonstrated in this picture.� (Rochat 2009: 29) �In comparison to other primates, human infants appear to be born too soon. �Various theories are proposed as to why humans are born too soon in comparison to other closely related species. One speculation is that (Rochat 2009: 62)�the emergence of bipedal locomotion in human evolution changed the configuration of the pelvis bone and as a consequence narrowed considerably the birth canal. This, in turn, limited the maximal cranial growth of the fetus in order to pass through the canal safely. All this might have channeled a precipitated human birth and an adaptation toward a continuing gestation outside the womb.� (Rochat 2009: 63) 2 months old. �Other research points to the fact�that infants become astutely sensitive to regularities in their environment. They begin to expect certain things to happen and other not to happen. They show surprise and apparent dismay when they are not confirmed in the expectations.� (Rochat 2009: 72) �By fourteen months, multiple experiments demonstrate that children begin to imitate�There is clear evidence of children taking the perspective of others, projecting and identifying with others. As show in Figure 3, if an adult presses a push-on switch to turn on a light by bending forward to hit the switch with his or her forehead, a rather cumbersome way of doing it, the child will do the same (Rochat 2009: 83). By at least 14 months, children are explicitly attuned to the intentions or rational action plans of an adult, even though it would be much more economical simply to press the push-on light switch by using one hand, an action the child would be perfectly capable of performing.� (Rochat 2009: 84) ��without attachment and object relations, infants would not survive. They would not survive because they would lack the basic propensity or drive to maintain proximity with the resources they depend upon�with its inherent counterpart: the fear of separation.� (Rochat 2009: 156) �One could easily presume that the drive to own, and not to share, in the young children of the favela, and particularly the street kids of Recife, might be different from that of the privileged children of Rio. Our research shows that it is not. All of these children demonstrate the same developmental trend toward a significant decrease in selfishness and increase in more equitable sharing between three and five years.� (Rochat 2009: 179) �In our cross-cultural study of mirror self-recognition, we observed over a hundred children living in small rural communities of Kenya in Africa, (Rochat 2009: 215) recording their reaction to the mirror after a yellow sticker was surreptitiously placed on their forehead. These children were aged between two and seven years. To our great surprise, only 2 of the 104 children tested �passed� the mirror test by either just touching or removing the mark. This is in sharp contract to the vast majority of two-year-old Western children, who are typically reported passing the mirror test by which they show an explicit sense of mirror self-recognition.� (Rochat 2009: 216) �Kenyan children do express a normative sense of the self that they unquestionably recognize in the mirror. They recognize themselves with the sticker on them, but they do not know whether it would be a transgression to touch and remove it. We think that these children, and contrary to North American children, question the anomaly in relation to a strong sense of the adult authority that surrounds them.� (Rochat 2009: 216) �More often than not, Western children are encouraged to take individual initiatives; Kenyan children are not, and this likely explains the sharp differences in responses between the two groups.� (Rochat 2009: 216) Fortes, Meyer (1938/1970) Social and Psychological Aspects of Education in Taleland. In John Middleton (Ed.), From Child to Adult: Studies in the Anthropology of Education. Pp. 14-74. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. �No one hesitates to punish when it seems to be merited. A child who neglects a task entrusted to him or her may expect to be rebuked or even chastised.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 23) �I have never observed vindictive punishment or malicious bullying, either of children or by adults or of young children by older ones. � It is thought to be necessary sometimes to use rough measures in teaching morals and manners, but not in teaching skills. � Tallensi often use the concept yam when discussing social behaviour. It corresponds to our notion of �sense.�� (Fortes 1938/1970: 24) ��children to acquiesce immediately in the commands and teaching of their parent or parent-substitutes. Children are, as a rule, very obedient.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 27) �Personality differences are recognized as definitely established very early in the child�s life. � Since variations in behaviour are accepted as expressions of more or less inherent personality differences, there is no serious effort at correction. Children are scolded, but without much hope of effecting a real change.� (Edel 1957/1996: 181) �Punishment is not used systematically as a disciplinary technique. When it occurs it is vindictive rather than aimed at correction.� (Edel 1957/1996: 182) Age-grading as Social Control Peatrik, Anne-Marie (2009) Marks make the man in Kenya. Shweder, Richard A., et al (Eds.), The Child: An Encyclopedic Companion (pp 116). Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. �Among the Meru, a newborn baby was not named until it was expected to survive. At the age of 1 or 2 years, the child was shaved for the first time and given the first name of a grandparent of the same sex. � At about the age of 4, a he-goat was customarily sacrificed by the father to celebrate the successful growing up of his son; and the father then offered the son a protective necklace and pieces of leather clothing made out of the goat�s hide. � Weaning from the breast and physical separation from the mother marked the stage at which the child (mwana) became a �small uninitiated boy� (kaij�): the child entered a new age class that conveyed an emerging gender identity. � When a boy�s permanent teeth replaced his milk teeth, the father or a friend pulled out the boy�s two lower incisors. � The piercing of the ear lobes was the next major mark of a child�s emerging maturity. � At puberty, which the Meru identified by the breaking of the voice together with sexual maturation, a boy entered the category of mw�j� or �big noninitiate,� a word coined by adding a new prefix to the root of the previous age. No particular ritual punctuated this natural physical change of the body, but this stage of growth was accompanied by several practical arrangements and a further distancing or departure from the parental homestead. Starting about the time, the �big noninitiate� boy would sleep in a dormitory built by the parents in the neighborhood, wherein he joined the other noninitiated boys who gave him a second name that was supposed to remain secret. Here the yet to be fully initiated boy was expected to obey the older noninitiates and show respect for the male age hierarchy. After being trained in wrestling, he participated in contests between neighborhoods. He also developed and sharpened his intellectual skills in competitive verbal contests and the exchange of riddles. Yet his first duty was to keep on working at his parents� homestead, where he remained the main laborer. As time passed, the boy eagerly awaited full initiation, but many conditions had to be fulfilled. � Among the many ritual sequences in a full initiation ceremony, groups of boys were (and still are) circumcised together at a public place, enduring a complicated surgery of the sheath, which signified a rebirth and new conception of the boy�s personhood. The circumcision was followed by nine months of seclusion in a shanty hut that represented the process of a new gestation. Afterward the boy, viewed as a �newborn,� entered the warriors� barrack, together with his age mates, he became a muthaka, a �bushman,� � The age grade of warriorhood was a protracted stage, and men were expected to earn their fourth name, which was coined after they had accomplished some warrior-like deed. No warrior could marry or have children before one�s own class was allowed to do so by the senior age class in power. Among the Meru, a young father still had a long way to go before he became an �accomplished person,� this would take more time and more rituals.� (Peatrik 2009: 116) Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �Guara children are never physically punished while learning: instead they are always reprimanded with such admonitions as �if I fall sick or die you must be able to care for yourself� or �what if [I fall sick or die and] you aren�t old enough o have a wife?� or �who will care for the younger children?��Children are shouted at for failure to perform assigned chores of for dallying when sent on errands.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 36) Lessa, William A. (1966) Ulithi: A Micronesian Design For Living. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. �Ridicule, a common recourse in training Ulithian children.� (Lessa 1966: 95) Hatley, Nancy Brennan (1976) Cooperativism and enculturation among the Cuna Indians of San Blas. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 67-94. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �Ridicule, by contrast, is undoubtedly the most frequently used form of disciplining. It is a technique used by many people of all ages, both sexes, and in any and all occasions. Teasing is not only the most common form of ridicule and discipline�� (Hatley 1976: 85) Guemple, Lee (1979) Inuit socialization: A study of children as social actors in an Eskimo community. In Karigoudar Ishwaran (Ed.), Childhood and Adolescence in Canada. Pp. 39-71. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. �Parents generally exhort the child to be cooperative�Sharing is stressed by giving bits of food and toys to the baby and by eliciting gifts of these same items from it. This �drill� is reciprocity goes on continuously�The effort to maintain a cheerful, positive universe continues throughout this period.� (Guemple 1979: 43) Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �To assess compliance with request, the mother asked the child to bring three objects to her and to bring her three objects to place or person.� (Keller 2007: 235) �Figure 8.4 shows a Cameroonian Nso toddler following the request immediately. The Costa Rican toddler needed several reminders from his mother (see Figure 8.5). The Greek toddler shown in Figure 8.6 did not obey the request at all. A Nso toddler complies completely and immediately. A Costa Rican toddler needs reminders. A Greed toddler does not follow at all.� (Keller 2007: 238) Citlak, Banu, Leyendecker, Birgit, Sch�lmerich, Axel, Driessen, Richarda, and Harwood, Robin L. (2008) Socialization goals among first- and second-generation migrant Turkish and German mothers. International Journal of Behavioral Development 32(1), 56-65. �The effects of mother�s education within the second generation indicated that the more highly educated mothers were more likely to use the categories �Feeling Good about Oneself,� �Psychological Independence,� and �Self-control� and less likely to use the category of �Respectful� towards others and towards family members. These results are consistent with former research on socialization goals and SES, which shows that �obedience� becomes less important and �independence� more important as mother�s education increases.� (Citlak 2008: 63) Hogbin, Ian (1969) A Guadalcanal Society: The Kaoka Speakers. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. �A toddler presented with a piece of fruit is told to give half to �So-and-so,� and should the order be resisted, the adult ignores all protests and breaks a piece off to hand to the child�s companion.� (Hogbin 1969: 33) �The elders begin by telling tales of the giants called umou that are supposed to inhabit the remote mountains. These beings, they say, are ready to pounce on naughty boys and girls and carry them off to a cave, where the bodies are cooked and eaten.� (Hogbin 1969: 34) �Some reference may also be made to any stranger who has recently passed through the village. �You saw that dark-skinned man going by yesterday evening?� Mwane-Antu reminded Mbule. �Well, where he lives they buy little boys. The big basket he had over his shoulder is for popping them in. If you don�t stop your games for a bit and fetch my pipe from the house, as I�ve told you to do twice now, Ill offer you to him when he returns.�� (Hogbin 1969: 34) Fostering Aggression Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �As in many societies where bravery and manliness is held in high esteem, education in bravery and aggressiveness among the Pashtun nomads starts quite early, and little boys, often toddlers, are called upon to fight with words �jan wokra� (make war, fight). They are held close to each other by their respective fathers or other male relatives so that the can hit each other.� (Casimir 2010: 40) Kulick, Don and Stroud, Christopher (1993) Conceptions and uses of literacy in a Papua New Guinean village. In Street, Brian (Ed) Cross-Cultural Approaches to Literacy. (pp 30-61)Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Gapun village, Sepik Region� �From the moment of birth, babies in the village are treated as stubborn, big-headed individualists. Pre-verbal infants are frequently shaken lightly, by their mothers and chastised playfully that their heds are too �strong� and �big�, and that they �never listen to talk�. When children begin to make babbling noises and sounds, these are commonly interrupted by caregivers as expressions of anger or dissatisfaction. Thus a baby cooing softly in its mother�s lap is likely to suddenly shaken and asked: �Ai! Yu belhat long wanem samting? Ah?� (Ai! What are you mad about? Ah?) Similarly, a child�s first word is� [taken to mean], approximately, �I�m getting out of here�. This word, which adults attribute to infants as young as two moths, reflects the village notion that children are born with hed, and they will go where they want and do what they want, regardless of the wishs of anyone else. In anyone but small children hed is officially condemned. Village rhetoric uses the term hed to mean egoism, selfishness, and maverick individualism.� (Kulick 1993: 42) Socializing Gender Shahbazi, Mohammed (2001). The Qashqa�i nomads of Iran: Formal education. Nomadic Peoples. 5(1): 37-64. Formerly nomadic Turkic tribe. If a little girl approaches a group of males, she will be re-directed to a gathering of women and vice-versa�a lesson in gender p. 54. Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. When men play with their toddler sons, they sometimes expose the boy�s genitals, pull them gently, and, to the amusement of the onlookers, imitate the sound of a bell. This happens in the presence of men, women, and girls of all ages. Girls sometimes also play this �game� with their younger brothers.� (Casimir 2010: 64) �Toddlers and little boys and girls only wear skirts which just cover their knees, and their genitals can often be seen. Girls, however, have to start wearing trousers when they are two to three years old, but boys continue wearing skirts for about one more year.� (Casimir 2010: 64) �The gender specific segregation of work begins at about the age of ten to eleven, and, as so often, the explanation was the �before this age the children don�t know it��which means, that they are not really aware of being sexually different before that.� (Casimir 2010: 65) �It was hence agreed that girls are beaten more often than boys, because special care has to be taken to ensure that they behave well, so that when they marry and leave the prenatal home they do not bring shame over their father and mother. Boys are much freer, spend most of their time outside the tent and often far away from their parents, playing, collecting firewood, or tending young animals.� (Casimir 2010: 36) �When the boys were asked about their future expectations and whether they wanted to go to school, they invariably said they wanted to be herders (maldar) and did not want to go to school. �The idea of living in a mud house, instead of in a tent was especially frightening to them.� (Casimir 2010: 39) ��When something dangerous has to be done, we tell our sons do it�for instance, to fetch something in the night, or tend the animals. �We also allow them to be present at the majlis [counsel meeting of the men], and there, sometimes, the courageous deed of someone is recounted and he is praised, and someone else is criticized for his cowardliness. This is how the boys learn what courageous is.� There is also the generally recognized phase between about eight and ten years when boys are expected to be especially naughty (shokh) and unruly.� (Casimir 2010: 40) Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. �From the age of two years a girl must wear trousers (suthun) to keep her private parts covered, little boys run around without (Rao 1998: 93) trousers for much longer, sometimes until they are circumcised.� (Rao 1998: 94) �However cold it may be, girls wrap only a shawl around themselves, like their mothers and elder sisters, whereas men and little boys whose families can afford it keep themselves warm in woolen coats.� (Rao 1998: 94) Rao, Aparna (2006) The Acquisition of Manners, Morals and Knowledge: Growing into and Out of Bakkarwal Society. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 53-76. Oxford: Berghan Books. �Nomadic pastoral Bakkarwal of Jammu and Kashmir in the western Himalayas�.� (Rao 2006: 53) �At six months an infant receives its first haircut; no gender distinction is made at this stage, but after she is about two years old, a little girl�s hair is never cut: boys and man are expected to shave their heads regularly. Long before the first haircut, around one week after its birth, every infant gets a tiny cap (topi). �Caps among the Bakkarwal exemplify a number of complex meanings�and are explicitly associated both with Bakkarwal tradition and Islamic prescriptions.� (Rao 2006: 57) �As (p. 58) They grow older the mixed work and play groups split according to gender, with girls increasingly helping their mothers with domestic tasks, and boys spending more time herding.� (Rao 2006: 59) Kristof , Nicholas D. (2010). The boys have fallen behind. The New York Times, March 27th. #HYPERLINK "/2010/03/28/opinion/28kristof.html"##/2010/03/28/opinion/28kristof.html# In the United States and other Western countries alike, it is mostly boys who are faltering in school. The latest surveys show that American girls on average have roughly achieved parity with boys in math. Meanwhile, girls are well ahead of boys in verbal skills, and they just seem to try harder. Richard Whitmire argues that the basic problem is an increased emphasis on verbal skills, often taught in sedate ways that bore boys. �The world has gotten more verbal,� he writes. �Boys haven�t.� The upshot, he writes, is that boys get frustrated, act out, and learn to dislike school. �Poor reading skills snowball through the grades,� he writes. �By fifth grade, a child at the bottom of the class reads only about 60,000 words a year in and out of school, compared to a child in the middle of the class who reads about 800,000 words a year.� Whitmire, Richard (2010). Why Boys Fail: Saving Our Sons from an Educational System That's Leaving Them Behind. New York: AMACOM Ames, David W. (1982) Contexts of dance in Zazzau and the impact of Islamic reform. Ottenberg, Simon (Ed.), African Religious Groups and Beliefs. (Pp. 110-177). Meerut, India: Archana. Hausa dominated area of Northern Nigeria �I have observed small girls, scarcely 5-6 years of age, imitating the dances of the older girls in the dance place. In general, girls at an early age adopt the mannerisms of young women, including their dress and cosmetics, and similarly in the dance. They may be observed attempting to imitate the sexually suggestive movements of the older girls. It should be noted, that these seemingly precocious children would be involved in serious flirtation and courtship in just a few years time, and so their behavior may be interpreted as appropriate learning for later role-playing.� (Ames 1982: 115) Bartholomew, Terese Tse (2002). One hundred children: From boys at play to icons of good fortune. in Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 57-81). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii. China in the 10th-12th c. C.E. �Sui refers to a baby reaching the age of one year. Suipan was the name of the tray used for holding the various objects for a ceremony to take place when the baby completes its first year. Parents placed objects symbolizing the various professions on the tray, and the baby was allowed to choose. The objects chosen (or grabbed) by the baby were supposed to indicate its disposition and forecast its future.� (Bartholomew 2002: 76) �While the father seated before a screen looks on proudly, an infant, supported by his mother, has just picked a wish-granting scepter (ruyi) from among the objects placed in front of him. The other objects include a sword for a military career, an abacus for a merchant, a brush and a book for a scholar, and an ingot for wealth.� (Bartholomew 2002: 76) Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Boys (Marlowe 2010: 198) usually go naked until the age of 4 or 5, but girls are given a public apron or skirt around 3 years of age. They may also be taught modesty, for example, to cross their legs so others cannot see beneath their skirt. Otherwise, there is not much difference in the way adults treat boys and girls.� (Marlowe 2010: 199) Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. �Around the age of six to seven years, [Matsigenka] boys start accompanying father to hunt, fish, and plant in the gardens, while the girls remain close to their mothers.� (Ochs 2009: 396) De Leon, Lourdes (2005) Intent Participation and the Nature of Participation Structures: A Look from a Chiapas Mayan Community Everyday Life. Document presented at the Presidential Workshop on Intent Participation, Santa Cruz, CA, June 15-16. Summary: DeLeon describes a Tzotzil boy growing up in a largely female family eagerly applying himself to the learning of various household skills, including tortilla making, embroidering and weaving. This occurred in spite of the fact that he was systematically discouraged and reprimanded for his involvement in female tasks. Cited page 117 in Paradise, Ruth and Rogoff, Barbara (2009). Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in. Ethos. 37: 102-138. De Laguna, Frederica (1965) Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology (pp. 3-23). New York: Free Press. �Little girls learned how to cook, not only from helping their mothers, but also because they were given toy pots and dishes to use.� (De Laguna 1965: 14) �Little boys were given small bows and arrows with blunt heads to play with and thus learned to shoot.� (De Laguna 1965: 14) �They might have small canoes which they learned to paddle.� (De Laguna 1965: 14) �Boys were also taught to cook. In Yakutat today, there are a number of little boys who are just as reliable and competent in caring for small siblings, cooking and washing dishes, and in performing (14) other domestic tasks, as are little girls� (De Laguna 1965: 15) Watson-Franke, Maria-Barbara (1976) To learn for tomorrow: Enculturation of girls and its social importance among the Guajiro of Venezuela. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 191-211. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Guajiro are a cattle-herding tribe who inhabit the arid, windswept Guajira peninsula in northwestern South America. They have a matrilineal social organization, and a strongly developed social class system.� (Watson-Franke 1976:193) �At the age of about five, the activities of life begin to separate boys and girls. Girls stay close to their mothers and other adult female relatives, while the boys start going out to the pastures with the men. � At about age ten, boys and girls are often sent to live with other relatives.� (Watson-Franke 1976:194) Lessa, William A. (1966) Ulithi: A Micronesian Design For Living. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �He now has donned clothing and therefore has attained the age of five or six. Boys wear a long grass like garment made of hibiscus bast that is shredded and made to hang down over the genitals and the buttocks. Girls abandon their nakedness by putting on a bulky �grass� skirt made of shredded coconuts leaflets. Children fidget a lot when first they put on clothing and must be trained through scoldings, warnings, and rewards to keep from discarding them.� (Lessa 1966: 98) Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �Now the big adult world where things get done has become an uncontrollable mystery. The six- or seven-year-old child no longer knows how to manipulate it, and he is more often told than asked what he wants. Up until this time few restraints are placed on children. Boys go without clothing entirely; girls are covered about the age of three with a loose dress.� (Barnett 1979: 6) �A tighter rein is held on girls form the beginning. More work is expected from them, hence there is more to keep their minds off themselves. They get less attention, have fewer whims.� (Barnett 1979: 7) McCosker, Sandra (1976) San Blas Cuna Indian lullabies: A means of informal learning. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 29-66. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �When you are young girls, I say you will stay with mama you will go everywhere with mama you will be about the house while mama is working Little girl, when I have brought you up, you (will be) always with me, helping me, cooking food, sweeping the house.� (McCosker 1976:44) part of same song, but a later verse. �we are girls who cannot do what boys do, we stay in the house to work� (McCosker 1976:44) Nerlove, Sara B., Roberts, John M., Klein, Robert E., Yarbrough, Charles, Habicht, Jean-Pierre (1974) Natural Indicators of Cognitive Development: An Observational Study of Rural Guatemalan Children. Ethos 2 (3): 265-295. �With the onset of menstruation, the patoja becomes a seniorita or muchacha. For a male, the age of muchacho begins when he can fulfill tasks and earn what a man does. This fact is reinforced by the notion that a man ought to be interested in women only when he has the capacity to support one. And too, a woman should not attempt to be joined to a man without knowing the principles fundamental to running a household, particularly making tortillas.� (Nerlove 1974: 272) Girls are more often found playing in home environments-houses or patios-than are boys. The more mature and active boys who are not yet involved in work with their fathers are quite independent and participate in play that may take place quite far from their homes, like bathing in the river or picking fruits. (Nerlove 1974: 274) It is interesting that the imitations and even the social role play of girls most frequently involves the mundane daily routine work of their mothers, whereas little boys rarely imitate masculine work, most of which takes place in distant fields. Rather, they imitate activities that only few men perform, such as riding a horse or playing the marimba. In our society too, particularly in urban and suburban settings, the opportunities for children to view masculine work are limited and, indeed, the father's work may be completely outside the child's sphere. (Nerlove 1974: 275) Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya (2002) Model children and models for children in Early Mexico. In Tobias Hecht (Ed.), Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society. Pp. 52-71. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. �According to the texts left by Spanish missionaries and indigenous informants, the Aztecs had very definite ideas regarding the proper upbringing of children. Parents, midwives, and the community at large socialized children to become productive members of society who knew their place.� (Lipsett-Rivera 2002: 55) �Midwives greeted a baby boy with war cries, separated him immediately from his mother to indicate his future as a warrior, and gave his umbilical cord to an experienced soldier for burial far from home. In the first weeks of the boy�s life, priests pierced his lower lip to prepare him for the warrior�s lip plug (Lipsett-Rivera 2002: 55)�Girls, on the other hand, were destined for domestic tasks. The midwife would bury a baby girl�s umbilical cord in a corner of the house because domestic enclosure was her destiny. Gifts presented to newborns at their naming ceremony had symbolic importance: for girls, a broom and a spindle, for boys, weapons.� (Lipsett-Rivera 2002: 56) �Boys also went to the temple at five years of age, to learn about religious doctrine and to begin to serve gods. Girls began to be initiated into the work of the Aztec household. Boys had more freedom to roam about.� (Lipsett-Rivera 2002: 56) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �[Deh Koh is a] village in the high mountains of southwest Iran�The people of Deh Koh are Lurs, speak Luri, and are Shi�a Muslims.� (Friedl 1997: 1) �The more mobile, cheeky children�not all are like this, of course; there are shy and meek homebodies, too�are well informed of goings-on in Deh Koh, a source of intelligence for their relatively house-bound elder women relatives at home. Girls are considered much better at such intelligence gathering than are their brothers, but their movements never (Friedl 1997: 7) reach as far as do those of their brothers. Their radius of movement shrinks rapidly, for propriety�s sake, just at the age when they become really good at observing and reporting.� (Friedl 1997: 8) �Rarely is a girl seen lingering in the street by herself. Girls stick to their neighborhoods. (Friedl 1997: 5)�Girls tend to play in small groups, games that require little space.� (Friedl 1997: 11) �In groups, boys between the ages of three and twelve are expected to never be far from sholug, noisy pandemonium, from being wild and without manners, fuzul.� (Friedl 1997: 17) �Our elder daughter, at five, wanted clarification from us about the consequences of her playing with the neighbors�� four-year-old son and his slingshot: was it true that she would turn into a boy, as his mother had said? Mahmud, two, wanted to help his mother wash clothes. She quickly rinsed the subs off his arms and scolded him: �Do you want to turn into a girl?! Go away!� (Friedl 1997: 142) �Although people say that bad behavior of children under the age of reason (about nine for girls, twelve for boys) most likely is not sinful.� (Friedl 1997: 207)�An eight-year-old boy who misbehaves an disobeys is only �naughty� (fuzul); a fifteen-year-old acting this way would be called vellou, a moral lightweight; at twenty years of age, he would be called rotten, dirty, and crazy, and be the despair of the dishonored family.� (Friedl 1997: 208) �Girls reason (aql) develops faster than that of boys. This explains why girls study harder and get better grades, why they are more responsible and not vellou, and also why they can do a lot of housework and study at the same time, if need be.� (Friedl 1997: 297) Turner, Diane Michalski (1987) What happened when my daughter became a Fijan. In Barbara Butler and Diane Michalski Turner (Ed.), Children and Anthropological Research. Pp. 92-114. New York, NY: Plenum Press. �Megan was given special treatment because she exemplified the Fijian concepts of wacece (cheeky or spirited) and yalo kaukauwa (a strong, solid, demanding spirit). Fijian socialization is designed to produce persons who understand their places in the social hierarchy based on age, gender, and rank. However, when a child resists this process and do not display the general childhood awkwardness, such behavior is encouraged.� (Turner 1987:105) �I did not like some aspects of her Fijian socialization. For instance, the personality traits that earned Megan regard for her self-confidence also brought her criticism; they were more acceptable for a boy than for a girl. Thus she was labeled viavia levu and viavia tagane, respectively, �someone who wants to be bigger� (i.e., higher in rank or age) and �a female who wants to act like a male and assume the masculine gender�s privileges.� (Turner 1987:106) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �After about the sixth year, the child gradually begins to enter the world outside the intimacy of the nuclear family. Little girls are introduced to the world of buying and selling. Little boys are given freedom to run with their gang through the town. Many children are placed in other families during this period.� (Geertz 1961: 116) Chapman, Charlotte Gower (1971) Milocca: A Sicilian Village. Cambridge, MA: Sckenkman. �When they are five or six years old, the distinction of sex which was first evidenced in their different costumes begins to affect their conduct more noticeably�By the age of eight of nine the division between the boys� world and the girls� is complete.� (Chapman 1971: 31) �The adolescent is held to full account of his conduct. No longer are lapses excused, in moments of parental indulgence, because he is too young to understand. For boys are some allowances may still be made for the natural high spirits of their age, but for girls the restrictions on conduct are very rigid.� (Chapman 1971: 34) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �When, however, small boys and girls touch and play with their genitals, this is ignored and not commented on.� (Broch 1990: 74) �Children love to play on the beach and in the water where they swim, dive, and splash water at each other. Boys and girls mingle freely, most of them naked. But some, especially the older girls (from nine to twelve year old) who have been circumcised wear skirts or sarongs.� (Broch 1990:102) �When they are about ten to twelve years old, a gender role differentiation gradually develops.� (Broch 1990: 79) De Leon, Lourdes 2005 Intent Participation and the Nature of Participation Structures: A Look from a Chiapas Mayan Community Everyday Life. Document presented at the Presidential Workshop on Intent Participation, Santa Cruz, CA, June 15-16. Cited in Paradise, Ruth and Rogoff, Barbara In press. Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in. Ethos Summary: DeLeon describes a Tzotzil boy growing up in a largely female family eagerly applying himself to the learning of various household skills, including tortilla making, embroidering and weaving. This occurred in spite of the fact that he was systematically discouraged and reprimanded for his involvement in female tasks. Mead, Margaret (1964) Continuities in Cultural Evolution. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. �Among the Manus, boys and girls are treated very much alike until they reach the age of betrothal, at about ten years.� (Mead 1964: 57) Shon, Mee-Ryong (2002) Korean early childhood education: Colonization and resistance. In Gaile S. Cannella and Joe L. Kincheloe (Eds.), Kidworld: Childhood Studies, Global Perspectives, and Education (pp. 137-160). New York: Peter Lang. �The proverb: �Boys and girls at the age of seven should not be allowed to sit in the same room.� The strict application of these rules resulted in severe restrictions on women while relative freedom was allowed for men.� (Shon, 2002: 142) Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �As children approach adolescence, the separation of sexes in recreation becomes more pronounced. Daughters accompanying their mothers to launder and bathe, where they engage in conversations about daily affairs with their elders or peers.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 37) Parent-Child Conversation Ochs, Elinor 2008. Learning from a language socialization perspective. Invited Paper presented at Symposium: Collaboration in the Study of Childhood: Anthropological Perspectives on Learning. American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. Baby Talk is a language socialization practice concomitant with a child-centered habitus. It is a widespread practice but not prevalent where situation-centered caregiving practices routinely encourage children to pay attention to unsimplified communication and social life (Ochs & Schieffelin 1984, Pye 1992). Although Baby Talk registers generally display exaggerated affect, Baby Talk registers are characterized more by lexical and phonological than morpho-syntactic simplications. Infants both in speech communities with Baby Talk (e.g. Marathi, Japanese, Hebrew) and without Baby Talk (e.g. Samoan, Kaluli, Qu�iche Mayan) become competent speakers and members, thereby challenging the status of simplified input as a requisite for language development. Haden, Catherine A., Ornstein, Peter A., Rudek, David J., & Cameron, Danielle (2009). Reminiscing in the early years: Patterns of maternal elaborativeness and children�s remembering. International Journal of Behavioral Development, 33(2): 118-130. �All children were from middle class homes, and 89% of the parents classified their children as European American.� (Haden 2009: 120) ��12% of the children�s mothers had some college education, 50% had a college degree, and 38% had an advanced degree.� (Haden 2009: 120) �The structure of mothers� earliest conversations about the past with their young children, especially the ways in which mothers� and children�s contributions to these conversations change as children make dramatic gains in their skills for verbally recalling events�The high eliciting mothers posed many open-ended questions that invited their children�s participation in the memory conversation.� (Haden 2009: 127) �That mothers in the high eliciting group continued asking many more questions and making more confirmations than did low-eliciting mothers over the one-and-a-half year period of study, suggesting that their children were being provided with cumulatively more opportunities for the verbal recall of past events than were children of mothers in the low-eliciting group. Such opportunities for putting an experience into their own words may help children to represent an event in detail, facilitate their use of language to retrieve the experience at a late date, and lead over time to the learning of more general memory search and retrieval routines.� (Haden 2009: 128) �Children of high eliciting mothers showed higher standard scores than children of low-eliciting mothers, suggesting that maternal elaborative reminiscing may lead to more advanced verbal abilities.� (Haden 2009: 129) Blount, Benjamin J. (1972) Parental speech and language acquisition: Some Luo and Samoan examples. Journal of Anthropological Linguistics 14(4): 119-130. �Asking a child his opinion in Luo [Kenya] society is a rare event and requesting him to be a playmate with an adult is even less common.�(p. 127). Study showing the genesis of Basil Bernstein�s elaborated vs restricted codes vis a vis social class� Rojo, Roxane H. R. (2001) Family interaction as a source of being in society: Language-games and everyday family discourse genres in language construction. In Seth Chaiklin (Ed.), The Theory and Practice of Cultural-Historical Psychology. Pp. 56-83. Aarhus, DN: AARHUS University Press. �Pricilla is the first daughter of a housemaid and a butcher. The family lives on the outskirts of Sao Paolo�Brazil�s largest city�and includes the child, her mother and father, the grandparents, two adolescent uncles and a sister born within the period of the research project, all living together in the same house. The dynamics of the family is wholly embedded in its community. In all the recordings there are often relatives, friends, and neighbours present, but mainly and regularly other children from the neighbourhood. Although the adults can read and write, we did not observe any reading or (Rojo, 2001, p. 63) writing activity in this family.� (Rojo, 2001, p. 64) �Helena is the youngest child of two college professors (philosophy and linguistics)� (Rojo, 2001, p. 64) ��Helena, who has been going to nursery and preschool since she was 8 months old. Writing and reading activities occur frequently in this family, and involve all literacy domains including reading and telling stories to the children.� (Rojo, 2001, p. 64). ��Helena�s process. Her language construction is based mainly on narratives and fairy tales.� (Rojo, 2001, p. 64) ��the adults stop asking Pricilla to tell about lived experiences and engage mainly in instructing and regulating the child�s current action.� (Rojo, 2001, p. 71) �Pricilla did not have the opportunity to co-construct reports that are disjoint from the actual world.� (Rojo, 2001. P. 72) �In Pricilla�s sample the main objects under construction were action, its normalization and the interactive pattern order/obedience, games focus on reporting, projecting or telling current actions and experiences, or on reporting (�reading�) stories or fairy tales previously heard.� (Rojo, 2001, p. 76) Ochs, Elinor 2008. Learning from a Language Socialization Perspective. Paper presented at American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. Refers to baby talk as �deep culture.� Keller, Heidi, Sch�lmerich, Eibl-Eibesfeldt, Iren�us (1988) Communication patterns in adult-infant interactions in Western and non-Western cultures. Journal of Cross-Cultural Research 19(4):427-445. �Adults experience the early vocal productions of their offspring as eminently important. Vocalizations, like gazes and smiles, are interpreted as signs of positive affect that consistently elicit attachment behaviors.� (Keller 1988: 427) Larson, Reed W., Branscomb, Kathryn R., and Wiley, Angela R. (2006) Forms and functions of family mealtimes: Multidisciplinary perspectives. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development 111:1-15. �Among the opportunities afforded by mealtimes are those for child development and socialization. Mealtimes provide special potential or fostering development, first, because they are a context in which children are a captive audience, at least for the few minutes it takes them to eat. In addition, mealtimes provide opportunities for parents to model, coach, monitor (Larson 2006: 3), and control children�s behavior, as well as opportunities for children to be apprentices in meaningful activities.� (Larson 2006: 4)�In families with children ages six to eleven, 80 percent reported a shared meal on four or more days, and 55 percent reported a shared meal on six or seven days.� (Larson 2006: 5) �The television is on at dinnertime in many families: 63 percent of eight to eighteen year olds in a recent national survey said the television is �usually� on during meals.� (Larson 2006: 6) �Using large-scale samples that bridge social classes and ethnic groups, researchers show that older children and teens who eat a greater number of family meals each week have more nutritious diets� an independent association between teens� eating more family meals and having a lower likelihood of engaging in extreme weight control behaviors, such as use of laxatives and self-induced vomiting.�( Larson 2006: 11) Fiese, Barbara H., Foley, Kimberly P., and Spagnola, Mary (2006) Routine and ritual elements in family mealtimes: Contexts for child wellbeing and family identity. New Directions for Child Development 111:67-89. �Researchers have noted that when there are elevated levels of chaos in the household, there is a reduced ability to understand and respond to social cues. We conclude that communication and commitment during mealtimes operate synergistically with the overall commitment to mealtime routines, lending itself to either the clear and direct exchange of information�There is increasing evidence to suggest that chaos in the environment is related to poor socioemotional functioning�.We also proposed that mealtimes form part of the symbolic foundation of family life. (Feise 2006: 85) Cinotto, Simone (2006) �Everyone would be around the table�: American family mealtimes in historical perspective, 1850-1960. New Directions for child and Adolescent Development 111:17-34. �Until World War I years, many poorer urban white workers were also unable to adopt the middle-class model of family mealtimes�As a result, turn-of-the-century middle-class observers would note with dismay that in the lower-class houses they visited, proper family meals were unheard of, and food was simply left on a bare table for family members to grab when they could�These observations soon concluded that home economics could be the perfect medium to win the �dangerous classes� to the cause of proper domesticity. This new discipline was originally aimed at middle-class housewives left with no domestic help by flight of wage-earning white women from domestic service into expanding manufacturing and clerical sectors.� (Cinotto 2006: 23) �The traditional American family meantime is a recent creation�It was a minority group�the Victorian middle class�that invented the family mealtime mystique in America. Yet the actual implementation of that original ideal has historically been more exception than the rule.� (Cinotto 2006: 32) Snow, Catherine E. and Beals, Dianne E. (2006) Mealtime talk that supports literacy development. New Direction for Child and Adolescent Development 111:51-66. �Mealtimes vary widely across social classes and race in amount and style of talk.� (Snow 2006: 52) �Dinner table conversations offer rich opportunities for extended discourse, in part because talk is (at least in the families we studied) part of what is meant to happen at the dinner table. In other words, these families shared a cultural norm that mealtimes are family time, that mealtimes last more than just a few minutes, that pleasant conversation involving all the family members is appropriate, that all the family members should be present, and that every member of the family (p. 54) should contribute to the conversation. (Snow 2006: 55)�The kind of talk that normally occurs at mealtimes provides rich information to children about the meanings of words, and thus constitutes a context for learning vocabulary embedded in all the other kinds of learning that are going on� [We] showed that mealtime was a more richly supportive context for the use of rare words in informative contexts than toy play or even book reading.� (Snow 2006: 63)�In [one] segment of a longer mealtime conversation, Rosalyn is getting the practice in making future plans and describing those plans to others.� (Snow 2006: 52) �The more children are exposed to extended discourse during mealtime conversation, the more chances they have to acquire vocabulary, understand stories and explanations, and know things about the world. Because these are capacities that are drawn on heavily in school but are typically not much attended to in preschool or primary classrooms, children who have had the chances to acquire them at home have an important advantage in pursuing academic success.� (Snow 2006: 64) �Comparing American families with Norwegian families of similar social class, we found that the American families produces less narrative talk than the Norwegians (16 percent versus 31 percent of utterances) and more explanatory talk (22 percent versus 12 percent of utterances). Even the youngest children in the two groups of families fit the pattern; Norwegian preschoolers asked more questions than evoked narrative responses, whereas American preschoolers asked more often for explanations.� (Snow 2006: 57) Dickenson, David, K. St. Pierre, Robert G. Pettengill, Julia (2004) High-quality classrooms: A key ingredient to family literacy programs' support for children's literacy. In Barbara H. Wasik (Ed.), Handbook of Family Literacy. Pp. 137-154. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum Associates. Sumamr: Study followed a group of 74 three-year-old children for two years. Home visits audiotaped the language used during storytelling, playing, and eating. Mothers interviewed about family activities. Dickenson et al found that those children who were were engaged in various conversations with adults were more likely to do well on measures of literacy. These gains held up through the early years of elementary school. Chapter Six: Of Marbles and Morals Marbles Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �One is biliji, played with the smaller vertebrae of goats or sheep, which is the equivalent of the European game of marbles.� (Casimir 2010: 51) # Play with Objects Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �The favorite pastime of boys 11 to 15 years of age was spinning tops. Every boy owned a top and the cord with which he spun it�in all probability he had made both.� (Hilger 1957: 101) �Most Aruacanian children had a few toys, if any, in the early days; only a few have them today. � Dolls were not commonly part of the Araucanian child�s life. � School boys had made their own playthings. They molded marbles of clay, wove balls of cochayuyo, and whittled tops out of wood. A 15-year-old boy made himself a bullroarer (runrun) or a pop-bottle cap.� (Hilger 1957: 105) �A child learned to make playthings by observing other children doing so. When a boy wove a ball of cochayuyo, smaller boys sat around him concentrating on what he was doing; when an older boy whittled a top, they got close enough to see, even lying on their stomachs in order to see better each step in the making.� (Hilger 1957: 106) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �In side alleys too narrow for cars to negotiate, boys play �truck� by turning short sticks between their hands in front of them, a little to the left, a little to the right, as their steering wheels. They make �brrr� noises as they hurtle themselves downhill, four or five together, scaring all life in the small space just as cars and trucks do on the wider streets.� (Friedl 1997: 4) Tayanin, Damrong and Lindell, Kristina (1991) Hunting and Fishing in a Kammu Village. Studies in Asian topics no. 14. Copenhagen, Denmark: Curzon Press. �Rmc�al village north of the Namtha River in northern Laos�� (Tayanin 1991: 11) �Unmarried men sleep in the common-house, and boys gradually move down to sleep there, perhaps as early as at the age of 5 or 6 years. From that age on, a boy spends many hours every day in the common-house, and there he will listen to the talk while the men work on parts of their traps or while they weave baskets. It is there more than in any other place that he will learn about his own culture, and it is also there that he will hear the folk tales told and retold. Almost every day the boy spends in the common-house, he will hear the older boys and the men speak about animals and hunting.� (Tayanin 1991: 14) �Small boys are in many ways encouraged to play at hunting. As boys everywhere they like throwing pebbles and sticks, and for them the aiming is a preliminary exercise for shooting. They also catch grasshoppers for baiting the fishing rods.� (Tayanin 1991: 15) �During the play the boys begin to try to build their own traps. They also like to build models of bigger traps, such as spear-traps. Model-building is quite prominent among the plays of Kammu boys, and they often build tiny models of houses and barns and of the tools used in actual work. The grown-ups also like to fabricate models for the children to play with. The first knife a Kammu boy gets is most probably one made of bamboo or hard wood.� (Tayanin 1991: 15) �It is probably the age between 12 and 16 which is most decisive of a boy�s future as a hunter. At that age it will be know whether he has the keen eyesight and the steady hand required to become a good shot.� (Tayanin 1991: 16) Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �At about six years of age boys are presented with a toy machete (machetico), made from a worn-out machete blade, cut to child�s size.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 34) �Doll play is the commonest recreational activity pursued by children of two to five years. The nature of such play depends to a large degree on available raw materials, and dolls from sections of plantain raceme or corn cob, with holes for eyes and wooden sticks for limbs, are commonly presented to children by their parents.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 36) Blowing Off Steam Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Children love to play on the beach and in the water where they swim, dive, and splash water at each other. �(Broch 1990: 102) Hogbin, Ian (1969) A Guadalcanal Society: The Kaoka Speakers. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. ��it starts mixing with other youngsters, it imitates them and is soon diving and swimming below the surface.� (Hogbin 1969: 32) Constructing the Dominance Hierarchy Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Among the nomad boys, such play-fights were observed whenever a new household pitched their tent on the camping ground of the community and settled. The boy(s) of the new household were invited to wrestle, and very soon, everybody knew the position of the new boys(s) in the rank order of the peer group.� (Casimir 2010: 50) Kyratzis, Amy (2004) Talk and interaction among children and the co-construction of peer groups and peer culture. Annual Review of Anthropology 33:625-49 Discusses children's agency within the peer culture, including the flaunting of adult norms� "�power is viewed as a central concern of children's peer cultures from early on."(Kyratzis 2004: 627) Berentzen Sigurd (1984) Children Constructing Their Social World: An Analysis of Gender Constrast in Children's Interaction in a Nursery School. University of Bergen: Occasional Papers in Social Anthropology, No. 36. Girls in this classroom articulated a series of moves to strengthen alliances, including praising and inviting each other home and conforming to another's attempts to elaborate a game, and two girls could indicate a relationship by excluding a third party (Berentzen 1984: 77). Girls try to have the right things (e.g., dolls) and "secrets" to enhance the possibility for forming alliances. A girl's current alliance partner is praised, while all the other girls are criticized.� (Berentzen 1984: 80). Evaldsson Ann-Carita (2002). Boys' gossip telling: Staging identities and indexing (unacceptable) masculine behavior. Text 22(2): 199-225. �Those in the peer group who, during gossip events, displayed "proficiency in repeatedly (a) depicting the deviant character of others and (b) soliciting audience support for particular versions of events positioned them as leaders�(these boys) legitimate their power while subordinating the interests of others" (Evaldsson 2002: 219). Adler Patricia A, and Adler, Peter (1998) Peer Power: Preadolescent Culture and Identity. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers Univ. Press ��.gatekeepers were expert at using the dominant gender ideology as a basis for marginalization �They manipulated others in the group to establish their central position and to dominate the definition of the group's boundaries" (p. 49). Weak boys, and girls who were lacking in the accoutrements of high socioeconomic status and attractiveness (e.g., overweight girls), were derided by the ringleaders and rendered the subjects of gossip, rumor, and en face derision (Adler 1998: 50) Children heighten their peer group status by projecting views in opposition to parents, teachers and the dominant society. �� white working-class British adolescent boys displaying themselves as tough through telling stories about smoking, standing up to their fathers, throwing knives, etc. Participation frameworks of conversational stories as told in friendship groups could be manipulated in ways that help communicate gender identities (e.g., males interrupting, challenging, and insulting a teller to project masculinity�Preadolescent and adolescent teens resist dominant ideologies of the adult culture, including gender, through mocking and animating others during collaborative stories with friends." (Adler 1998: 639) It is not clear that this preoccupation in the peer culture with opposition to the dominant culture reaches beyond contemporary, urbanized society. The authors do not acknowledge this limitation and do not, therefore wrestle with why this should be so. If we take Wills' classic Learning to Labor as a starting point, we might look at the highly competitive and ranked character of youth culture. Youth are drawn into competitive sports, beauty contests, music recitals and prizes, preoccupation with fashion trends, the ranking inherent in the disposable income available to the young, to say nothing of competitive entry to exclusive schools�increasingly including public schools. As many opportunities as there now are to be judged a "winner" there are vastly more chances to be declared a "non-winner."� Fonseca, Isabel (1995) Bury Me Standing: the Gypsies and Their Journey. New York: Vintage Books. �Once they were walking they became the responsibility of older kids, and they became part of the crowd scene, unspecified. Gypsies were rough with their children (not their babies); or so I felt. They were always shooing them away, yelling at them, and smacking them, and the children didn�t appear to be much bothered by any of it. It wasn�t cruel or unusual; it wasn�t frightening. Even play was rough, such as Jeta�s constant yanking and tweaking of all the little boys� penises. They simply had a different style, and mostly it was okay; the kids were tougher than our two, they had to be (o chavorro na biandola dandencar, the saying goes��the child is not born with teeth�).� (Fonseca 1995: 44) Gamesmanship Maestripieri, Dario (2007) Macachiavellian Intelligence: How Rhesus Macaques and Humans Have Conquered the World. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �In Machiavellian primate species, social life is inherently dangerous, but avoiding everybody all the time is not a good long-term solution to the problem. Whether rhesus macaque or human, you can avoid others for only so long before someone comes knocking on your door to vent all of their anger on you. A better solution to the problem is obtaining someone�s protection. Sitting close to a powerful individual can protect one from aggression because others will think twice before firing their weapons for fear of hitting the wrong target. Even being close to a low-ranking individual can be beneficial because a potential aggressor could decide to switch targets at the last minute and hit your neighbor instead.� (Maestripieri 2007: 27) �Dominant individuals occasionally tolerate other individuals around, but they charge them hefty grooming fees. To be able to hide in the alpha male�s shadow others can�t just sit there and smile at him�they have to groom him until their fingers get sore. Family members, however, get discounts. The alpha female�s relatives can sit next to her and be safe free of charge.� (Maestripieri 2004: 28) �Kin fight with one another a lot, but spend huge amounts of time together, and most of that time is spent without fighting. Nonkin fight less often, but are at one another�s throats almost every time they come close to one another�that is, every time they get a chance. In addition, aggression between kin is not as severe as aggression between nonkin. Finally rhesus macaques are more likely to make up after they fight with kin that with nonkin. (Maestripieri 2007: 29) �The interesting twist in the Machiavellian intelligence theory is that the association between neocortex size and group size seen across many primate species is seen in the females and not in males. In other words, the more females that live in the company of other females, the larger the neocortex of the species, whereas male group size does not correlate with neocortex size. �The evolution of complex intelligence in Old World monkeys and apes, including humans, may be due to the increasing complexity of female social life. �Smart females produce smart kids, and some of them happen to be male.� (Maestripieri 2007: 159) �There are also different solutions to the predation problem. Some species become small, solitary, and nocturnal to avoid predators. Others increase in body size or form social groups to protect themselves. �Rhesus macaques and people settled for medium body size and life in large groups. � When this happened, the social environment became the main selective pressure for the evolution of psychological and behavioral traits. For example, as groups became larger and more opportunities for complex patterns of cooperation and competition both within and between groups arose, pressures mounted for an increase in Machiavellian intelligence and perhaps for increased intelligence in general.� (Maestripieri 2007: 171) This is an interesting twist suggesting that gamesmanship may mean something quite different depending on gender. Lindenfors, Patrik (2005). Neocortex evolution in primates: the �social brain� is for females. Biology Letters. (1): 407�410. �I�present results from phylogenetic comparative analyses of unsexed relative neo-cortex sizes and female and male group sizes. These analyses show that while relative neocortex size is positively correlated with female group size, it is negatively, or not at all correlated with male group size. This indicates that the social intelligence hypothesis only applies to female sociality.� (p. 407) In any animal that is social, it is important for an individual�s well-being and�in extreme cases�survival, to keep track of social interactions and dominance hierarchies. Where opportunities exist for males to monopolize females, however, the advantages of doing so would quickly outweigh the advantages of keeping track of more fine-tuned social interactions. Intra-male competition could thus counter the evolution of neocortex size by making selection for larger neocortices female-specific. (p. 409) Bailey, Drew H., & Geary, David C. (2009). Hominid brain evolution: Testing climatic, ecological, and social competition. Human Nature, 20: 67-79. �Results revealed independent contributions of population density, variation in paleoclimate, and temperature variation to the prediction of change in hominid cranial capacity (CC). Although the effects of paleoclimatic variability and temperature variation provide support for climatic hypothesis, the proxy for population density predicted more unique variance in CC that all other variables. The pattern suggests multiple pressures drove hominid brain evolution and that the core selective force was social competition.� (Bailey, 2009: 67) The Playgroup Fouts, Hillary N. and Lamb, Michael E. (2009). Cultural and developmental variation in toddlers� interactions with other children in two small-scale societies in Central Africa. European Journal of Developmental Science 4: 259-277. From Abstract: �Toddler- juvenile caretaking interactions were quite similar among the Bofi foragers and farmers despite differing parental ethno-theories about juvenile caretaking, and age effects were apparent only among the farmers. Toddler-juvenile social interactions were predicted by both age and cultural group: Toddlers engaged socially with juveniles more as they grew older in both groups, but farmer toddlers interacted with juveniles more than did forager toddlers overall.� �Juvenile allo-care was infrequent among the foragers regardless of age� In both groups, toddler-juvenile social interactions were much more frequent than were toddler-juvenile caretaking interactions. �(p. 272) ��social interactions with other children increase after toddlerhood among foragers, although this was also apparent among the farmer children. Throughout the research period, cohesive playgroups involving forager children younger than 5 years of age were rarely observed, but young forager children did play together, albeit amidst adults and children rather than in distinct children�s groups. Among the farmers, large multi-age playgroups often roamed throughout the village with very few adults around.� (p.272). �Aggression, negativism, and aggressive play were quite rare among both the Bofi farmers and foragers even though conflict is quite frequent when Western toddlers (p. 272) interact� (p. 273). Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Over 3 or 4 years of age are looked after by older children they are playing with, though it is still necessary that some adult be in camp within earshot; otherwise, lions, leopards, and hyenas would eventually lose their fear of camps during the day, and children would become easy prey.� (Marlowe 2010: 200) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Maing Tuu children do not play alone. � most commonly they form play groups of from five to ten or more participants.� (Broch 1990:42) �Sometimes playgroups are formed of member of the same sex. Generally this division is more frequent among the older children�.All children of the village are seldom together at the same time. The play groups split up and rearrange themselves, although some children tend to be best friends and stick together most of the day.� (Broch 1990:72) Learning One�s Culture Dyer, Caroline and Choksi, Archana (2006) With God�s Grace and with Education, We Will Find a Way: Literacy, Education, and the Rabaris of Kutch, India. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 159-174. Oxford: Berghan Books. ��transhumant pastoralist group, the Rabaris of Kutch in Gujarat India�� (Dyer 2006: 159) �Young Dhebar boys in camp, using camel and sheep droppings to practice herding sheep and lambs.� (Dyer 2006: 170) Fortes, Meyer (1938/1970) Social and Psychological Aspects of Education in Taleland. In John Middleton (Ed.), From Child to Adult: Studies in the Anthropology of Education. Pp. 14-74. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. �When adults are asked about children�s mimetic play they reply: �That is how they learn.� Thus when a boy is 7 or 8 his father buys him a small bow so that he can go and learn marksmanship in play with his comrades.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 23) �There is always a phase of play in the evolution of any schema preceding its full emergence into practical life.� (Fortes 1938/1970: 58)# Park, Robert W. (2006). Growing up north: Exploring the archaeology of childhood in the Thule and Dorset cultures of Arctic Canada Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, 15: 53�64. Miniature Material Culture What is so interesting and promising archaeologically about these kinds of childhood activities�playing house, playing with dolls, and playing at hunting�is that they are clearly associated with an extensive miniature material culture. In addition to those already discussed, miniature versions of the following items are specifically mentioned in ethnographic accounts as having been used as toys: sledges, kayaks, umiaks, cooking pots, snow knives, and sleeping platform mattresses While miniature items of all these types and more have been found archaeologically at sites of the Thule cul#ture, unfortunately we cannot automatically assume that all these miniatures were toys and thus associated with chil#dren. On the basis of ethnographic accounts, miniature ver#sions of full-sized items were made or used in two other dis#tinct contexts: as grave offerings and as the paraphernalia of shamans (p. 56-7). Jenness, Diamond (1922). The Life of the Copper Eskimos. Report of the Canadian Arctic Expedition, 1913�18, vol. 12(A). Ottawa, Canada Playing house was a common activity for all children. Jenness states that �both boys and girls play at building snow houses. In summer, with only pebbles to work with, they simply lay out the ground plans, but in winter they borrow their parents� snow knives and make complete houses on a miniature scale� (Jenness 1922:219). �Girls make dolls out of scraps of skin, and clothe them like real men and women. Their mothers encourage them, for it is in this way that they learn to sew and cut out patterns� (Jenness 1922:219). Boas, Franz (1901). The Eskimo of Baffin Land and Hudson Bay. Bul#letin of the American Museum of Natural History 15, Part 1:1�370. Boas also pro#vides a detailed description of play hunting, specifically the hunting of ringed seals through their winter breathing holes: Boys play hunting seals. Each of them has a small har#poon and a number of pieces of seal-skin with many holes. Each piece of skin represents a seal. Each of the boys also has a hip-bone of the seal. Then one boy moves the piece of skin which represents a seal under the hole in the hip-bone, which latter represents the blowing-hole in the ice. While moving the piece of skin about under the bone, the boys blow like seals. Whoever catches with the little harpoon the piece of skin in one of the holes retains it, and the boy who catches the last of the pieces of skin goes on in turn with his seals. The little harpoons are made by the fathers of the boys, the pieces of skin are prepared by the mothers. [Boas 1901:111] Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �A teacher told of preadolescent boys playing getting drunk, becoming intoxicated, and then having a fist fight. �This is exactly what they see them men do at every fiesta, at threshing time, and when a ruka is built.� (Hilger 1958: 106) The Moral Lessons in Folklore Lowe, Edward D. and Johnson, Allen (2007) Tales of danger: Parental protection and child development in stories from Chuuk. Ethnology 46(2):151-168. �Generally, traditional stories in Chuuk are told as allegory by older people�to younger people. The tales can be a means of opening a discussion of important social values, particularly those about relationships within the immediate family and local matrilineal segment. The tales also contain histories of Chuuk places and some of the relations among the politically powerful on the islands in the region. From a local point of view, these tales represent valuable knowledge, and adults do not always share them easily. Often, parents tell the stories when they feel their children are ready for them because they have shown love and obedience.� (Lowe 2007: 153) �Like many successful stories that people tell and retell, a striking feature of the stories of Nemwes and Oon is how they share an emotional narrative structure. Each story tells of a loving and protective relationship between the good parent and the child, where the parent is sensitive to the child's desires or needs and acts to satisfy them. Then, either out of necessity (e.g., Oon) or the child's desire for exploration (Nemwes), the good parent and child are separated and the child encounters a threat to his or her life.� (Lowe 2007: 155) �While most of the stories include a loving, sensitive parent (equally likely a father or a mother), some stories also include insensitive parents and even parents who are dangerous or cruel.� (Lowe 2007: 163) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �There are a number of folk tales centering on the evil stepmother theme, the most well known being the story of �Brambang Abang and Bwang Putih,� which are the names of two little girls (Humorous names, meaning �Red Onion� and �White Garlic�). Every child knows this story.� (Geertz 1961: 37) �When Bawang Putih grew up, she became a very good person, whereas Brambang Abang grew up stupid, unable to do anything useful, because all she had done all her life was play.� (Geertz 1961: 43) How Culture Shapes Children's Play Assal, Adel and Farrell, Edwin (1992) Attempts to Make Meaning of Terror: Family, Play, and School in Time of Civil War. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 23(4): 275-290. �Lebanon, which became an independent republic in 1943, has always been factionalized. Civil war broke out in 1975.� (Assal 1992: 276) �These armies and militias were often allied with foreign countries. Arms came from outside Lebanon. The New York Times reported that 250,000 had died in the Lebanese civil war and that 800,000 had left the country.� (Assal 1992: 276) �A description of Lebanese youth coping with day-to-day events of war�� (Assal 1992: 277) �Surprisingly, the children as well as the adolescents spoke little about religion, per se. Many of the schools had Christian, Druze, and Muslim pupils, who, it would seem, coexisted. Druze children had Christian friends.� (Assal 1992: 279) �The most remarkable part of our data on play is that boys actually played war games. �A nine year-old-Druze boys whose house was under frequent bombardment described such play: Druze boy: Whenever there was a lull we would call our friends to come to our house and play together. �Our favorite game was hide and attack. We make up machine guns and we had teams as armies so we throw bombs at them. WE built barricades with chairs and pillows. We played the game of �Souk Al Gharb� [a strategic town, know as �No Man�s Land,� between (Assal 1992: 277) Christian and Druze lines]. We were defending Souk Al Gharb, and the kids from the neighborhood were the attackers.� (Assal 1992: 278) �We had so much fun running and chasing each other, I was trying to play so much. I told my mother later I was playing as much as I could because I had the feeling that if something happened and the fighting and shelling came back, I may die and I will never get another chance to play.� (Assal 1992: 278) Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �There is very little child culture among the Baining. There are only a few games that seem indigenous to the area. In general children seem merely to run and chase each other out doors. This sort of general exuberance is not appreciated by adults in the society, as the quotes (p. 91) above indicate. Informants over forty years old describe how they were punished as children for playing. Their parents would take a piece of bone or thorn and pierce either the septum of the nose, the sides of the nose or the ear loves. Children were then supposed to keep a long pointed object in these apertures so that whey they engaged in some sort of active game or rambunctious activity, the bone, thorn, or whatever was in the hole would interfere with the play, and perhaps hurt.� (Fajans 1997: 92) �The Baining do not consider that children learn from play. Parents do not make toys for their children. They do not give them miniatures of adult objects such as spears, baskets, tools, etc. They rarely play with their children either in a verbal or active way (although they are generous, loving, and physically in touch with them frequently). Other children of age eight or nine were seen on several occasions playing with a 3 1/2 �year-old. Their �game� consisted of calling the names of things and people for the younger child to repeat�Parents proceed from the principle that children learn from work. Consequently they teach children to work in the garden as soon as they show the interest and capability.� (Fajans 1997: 92) �The Baining� regard children�s play as the antithesis of proper social activity. It stands outside the realm of social behavior.� ��The Baining suppress spontaneous play by children. (Fajans 1997: 168) Play in contemporary, bourgeoisie culture� Corsaro, William A. (1986) Routines in peer culture. In Jenny Cook-Gumperz, William A Corsaro, & J�rgen Streek (Eds.), Children�s Worlds and Children�s Language. Pp. 231-251. Berlin, Germany: Mouton de Gruyter. �Children like to run, they like to move around. For young children running, jumping and laughing are in many ways equivalent to talk (or conversation) among older children and adults.� (Corsaro 1086: 233) �In early infancy children through participation in everyday play routines with caretakers develop basic communicative skills and a sense of agency�.Later in the infancy period children begin to initiate and take a more active role in interactive processes with adults�Children come to see themselves as �children� who are different from �adults.�� (Corsaro 1986: 250) Tudge, Jonathan (2008) The Everyday Lives of Young Children: Culture, Class, and Child Rearing in Diverse Societies. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Pres. �Children from middle-class homes in each city were more often observed in pretend play than were children from working-class backgrounds.� (Tudge 2008: 152) �The Luo children in Kisumu were far less likely then children from the other cities to be observed playing with objects that have been designed for use by children�Luo children were observed playing with Vaseline containers, bottle tops, an old oil bottle, a tube of toothpaste, old cassette tapes.� (Tudge 2008: 153) Suppression of Play Wicks, Ann Barrott and Avril, Ellen B. (2002) Introduction: Children in Chinese Art. Ann Barrott Wicks (Ed.), Children in Chinese Art. (pp. 1-30). Honolulu: HI: University of Hawaii.# ��Han Confucian writings that extol the appearance of mature traits in gifted children in contrast to the ordinary child�s tendency to engage in aimless play. Children who acted with adult seriousness and wisdom were upheld as models.� (Wicks 2002: 4) Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1976) Training for the priesthood among the Kogi of Columbia. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. (pp. 265-288). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �the Kogi of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta in northeastern Columbia are a small tribe of some 6,000 Chibcha-speaking Indians.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 265) �Play activity is discouraged by all adults an, indeed, to be accused of �playing� is a very serious reproach. There are practically no children�s games in Kogi culture.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 278) Watson-Franke, Maria-Barbara (1976) To learn for tomorrow: Enculturation of girls and its social importance among the Guajiro of Venezuela. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 191-211. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Guajiro are a cattle-herding tribe who inhabit the arid, windswept Guajira peninsula in northwestern South America. They have a matrilineal social organization, and a strongly developed social class system.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 193) �Play, or any behavior associated with idleness, is discouraged.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 194) Heywood, Colin (2001) A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. �Bernard de Gordon, a physician in fourteenth-century Montpellier, described early childhood (pueritia) as �the age of concussion�, on the grounds that �in that age they begin to run and jump and to hit each other�. Children were free to roam around the street and the countryside for much of the time. The American Lucy Larcom wrote that children in her neighbourhood during the 1830s enjoyed the privilege of �a little wholesome neglect�. At the same period Olivier Perrin reported that in Brittany once children could walk they were left very much to themselves until the age of 7 or 8.� (Heywood 2001: 97) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �Sheruni, a stretch of wooded land along a stream to the south of Deh Koh, is taken to be inhabited by potentially dangerous djinn, and to be avoided (p. 5)�The map children construct for moving around in the village includes not just alleys, footbridges, staircases, and narrow channel-crossings, but any natural or manmade feature that can be climbed over, jumped across, squeezed by� (Friedl 1997: 7)�Any space at home is open to children unless or until men, boys, or, to a lesser degree, women, demand it for their purposes.� (Friedl 1997: 12) Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Parents proceed from the principle that children learn from work. Consequently they teach children to work in the garden as soon as they show the interest and capability.� (Fajans 1997: 92) �The Baining�regard children�s play as the antithesis of proper social activity. It stands outside the realm of social behavior�The Baining suppress spontaneous play by children. In the Baining view, children are characterized by their initial asociality. This �naturalness� is expressed in their lack of control over bodily functions, their inability to hear (and therefore understand) what is told them, their inability to work (which result in playing instead), and their stealing of food (which illustrates their fundamental ignorance of important social relations). The play of children is contrasted to the work of adults, especially the activities of gardening, cooking, and giving food to others. Play is not considered the work of children; eating and learning to work are.� (Fajans 1997: 168) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Bonerate parents are not much concerned about how their children play. They rarely direct or stage play activities for their children and seldom make or find toys for them. Their notion of �bad play� would be what they regard as dangerous play, and they try to keep their youngest children from such activities as paddling dugouts or climbing tall coconut palms.� Broch 1990: 101) �Children were never observed to complain of having nothing to do or to seek advice from their parents with regard to play activities.� (Broch 1990: 101) Parent-Child Play Sung, Jihyun and Hsu, Hui-Chin (2009) Korean Mother�s Attention Regulation and Referential Speech: Associations with Language and Play in 1-Year-Olds. International Journal of Behavioral Development 33(5): 430-439. �The mothers were all married and in their late 20s or early 30s (M030, SD02.60). The majority of them had some college education (88%) and did not work outside the home (81%).� (Sung 2009: 432) �Mothers and their toddlers were observed and videotaped during floor play at their home once for 20 minutes. Mothers were asked to play with their child as they normally would, with the age-appropriate toys provide by the researcher.� (Sung 2009: 432) �Maternal following of child (p. 434) attention was related to more advanced expressive vocabulary development and frequent symbolic play.� (Sung 2009: 435) �During play, Western mothers tend to follow or maintain their toddlers� attention�By contrast, Korean mothers in the present study were likely to engage their toddler�s attention by introducing a new object and/or activity. This preference in directing toddler�s attention is similar to that of Chinese-immigrant mothers�Korean and Chinese cultures emphasize interdependence among individuals. Obedience, compliance, self-restraint, and cooperation are highly valued virtues. Individuals are encouraged to restrain personal desires to maximize dyadic outcomes and/or enhance the benefits and interests of the group�Korean mothers� preference for directing child attention may reflect these cultural values; they believe that taking initiatives in directing child attention may encourage child compliance and maintain the interpersonal relationship� Joint attention with the caregiver is a primary social context for early language development.� (Sung 2009: 436) Vandermaas-Peeler, Maureen, Nelson, Jackie, von der Heide, Melissa, & Kelly, Erica (2009) Parental guidance with four-year-olds in literacy and play activities at home. In David Kuschner (Ed.), From Children to Red Hatters. Pp. 93-112. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. �The mother was reading a story about a postman who delivers the mail to famous fairy tale creatures. The child recognized the picture of the cow jumping over the moon from a well-known nursery rhyme, and interestingly, he related it to a television show.� (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 93) �The mother linked the current play activity to a past event they experienced together, a visit to a children�s museum. She reminded the child of what they usually do at the museum, and made suggestions for a pretend play in the current context as well. Later in the play she asked the child, (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 93) �What does Mommy do when I put mail in the mailbox that the postman needs to pick up? Remember?� By reminding her son to put the red flag up on the pretend mailbox, she used the play as a context to teach her child about the world.� (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 94) ��middle-class parents� use of guided participation to create a zone of proximal development during play with their preschool-aged child. They found that the majority of parents� teaching in pretend play consisted of sharing conceptual knowledge about the world.� (Vandermaas-Peeler et al 2009: 95) �It was a highly-educated sample, with 80% of mothers having college or graduate degrees.� (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 96) �Parental guidance during literacy play activities was provided at a high level by these middle-class, highly educated mothers.� (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 107) �Guidance provided during play, on the other hand, was more likely to be focused on maintaining the activity, with parents making frequent suggestions for what to play or how to do an activity.� (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 108) �In her classrooms, children wrote a story and acted it out with classmates every day. Paley provided an opportunity, through guided participation, for shared experiences with writing, telling and playing stories, sometimes in the context of fairy tales, but often just from the children�s own imaginations.� (Vandermaas-Peeler 2009: 109) Comments re Vivian Paley, the legendary pre-school teacher at the University of Chicago Lab School. The authors are suggesting here that Paley was more proficient than their subjects at getting children to construct sophisticated, original narratives or playlets. See Wiltz & Fein (1996)� Wiltz, Nancy W. & Fein, Greta G. (1996) Evolution of a narrative curriculum: The contributions of Vivian Gussin Paley. Young Children, 61-69. Parmar, Parminder, Harkness, Sara and Super, Charles M. (2008) Teacher or playmate? Asian immigrant and Euro-american parents� participation in their young children�s daily activities. Social Behavior and Personality 36 (2): 163-176 �Parents of children aged 3 to 6 years (n = 24 children in each group) kept daily logs of their children�s activities and companions for a week. Results show that parents in both groups spent similar amounts of time in play activities with their children, although the Euro-American parents did more pretend play and the Asian parents did more constructive play. However, Asian parents spent far more time on preacademic activities with their children such as learning letters and numbers, playing math games, and working with the computer. The cultural differences among parents are mirrored to a lesser extent by patterns of participation of siblings, friends, and babysitters with the target children.� (Parmar 2008: 163) It is evident that these parents had already assigned themselves the role of teacher for their young children and were intent on helping their children to be successful in school and life through direct teaching activities. (Parmar 2008: 172)�Euro-American parents, but not the Asian parents, were also involving their young children in household chores - an early form of training for responsibility. (Parmar 2008: 173) Katz, Jane R. (2001) Playing at home: The talk of pretend play. In David K Dickinson and Patton O. Tabors (Eds.), Beginning Literacy with Language. Pp. 53-73. Baltimore, MD: Paul H. Brooks. �Young children develop the habit of pretending by hearing and taking part, from their first year on, in pretend interactions with the significant people in their lives�.Mothers� participation is important to young children�s development of interest and skill in pretend. Research findings looking at children from the ages of 12 to 30 months suggest that children incorporate pretend elements from p.their joint play with their mothers into their own play.� (Katz 2001: 58) �When mothers play with their young children, they essentially �teach� role playing by modeling the behavior and talk that is typical of particular activities, such as when a mother tends a baby or when workers construct a building. Also, research suggests that children pretend more and that their play sequences are longer, more diverse, and more complex when they engage in pretend play with adult caregivers, usually their mothers, than when they pretend alone. Moreover, children as young as 19 months can continue pretend play, either gestu (p. 58)rally or verbally, that their mothers have started.� (Katz 2001: 59) �This pattern of relationships establishes that skill with the extended discourse of pretend talk in the preschool years in related to the language and literacy skills that are important for children in kindergarten.� (Katz 2001: 71) Lancy, David F. (2007) Accounting for variability in mother-child play. American Anthropologist, 109(2): 273-284. Survey shows that parent-child play is an extremely rare and recent phenomenon, found almost exclusively among elite bourgeoisie families� �The International Association for the Child�s Right to Play, would like to take the parent�child play movement around the entire globe. Founded in 1961, the organization has campaigned through the United Nations to define children�s opportunity to play as one of the fundamental human rights. At their 2005 annual meeting, attendees were welcomed by the President of the Federal Republic of Germany with these words: �Children at play not only require the understanding of adults but also their active support and participation. Parents must find the time to play with their children. �I am especially happy when adults regard the noise (Lancy 2007: 279) of playing children as the music of the future. [International Play Association 2005]�This statement is tantamount to a condemnation of the child-rearing beliefs and behaviors of three-fourths of the world�s parents and is completely unjustified by either the experimental literature in child development or, especially, the ethnographic literature. There are plentiful examples throughout the ethnographic record in which mother� child play is not valued, and these should not be viewed as signs of deficiency or neglect. Parents in these societies can, when pressed, cite numerous reasons why playing with children might not be a good idea. As a final caution, we must be wary that efforts to promote parent�child play are not driven by the desire to use play to (Lancy 2007: 280) �civilize the irrational natives� (Sutton-Smith 1993:27).� Sutton-Smith, Brian 1993 Dilemmas in adult play with children. In Parent-Child Play: Descriptions and Implications. Kevin MacDonald, ed. Pp. 15�40. Albany,NY: State University of New York Press. The Adult Management of Play Hu, Winnie (2010). Forget goofing around: Recess has a new boss. The New York Times, March 14th. /2010/03/15/education/15recess.html At #HYPERLINK "/favicon.ico"##Broadway Elementary School# here, there is no more sitting around after lunch. No more goofing off with friends. No more doing nothing. Instead there is Brandi Parker, a $14-an-hour recess coach with a whistle around her neck, corralling children behind bright orange cones to play organized games. There she was the other day, breaking up a renegade game of hopscotch and overruling stragglers� lame excuses�. Broadway Elementary brought in Ms. Parker in January out of exasperation with students who, left to their own devices, used to run into one another, squabble over balls and jump-ropes or monopolize the blacktop while exiling their classmates to the sidelines. Since she started, disciplinary referrals at recess have dropped by three-quarters, to an average of three a week. And injuries are no longer a daily occurrence. The school is one of a growing number across the country that are reining in recess to curb bullying and behavior problems, foster social skills and address concerns over obesity. They also hope to show children that there is good old-fashioned fun to be had without iPods and video games. Adeola Whitney, executive director for Playworks in the Newark area, said that the recess coaches used a playbook with hundreds of games and gave students a say in what they do. �It�s not rigid in any way, and it certainly allows for their creativity,� Ms. Whitney said. �In some cases, we�re teaching children how to play if they can�t go to the park because it�s drug-infested, or their parents can�t afford to send them to activities.� Guttmann, Allen (2010) The Progressive Era Appropriation of Children�s Play. Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth, 3: 147-151. �Between the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the wholesale intervention of adults utterly transformed the informal world of traditional children�s play. Activities such as skipping rope, shooting marbles, playing hopscotch, and galloping about on imaginary horses in order to ambush a band of equally imaginary Indians were replaced�although never entirely�by games organized by adult-sponsored leagues.� (Guttmann 2010: 147) Mead, Rebecca (2010. July 5th). State of Play. The New Yorker, 32-37. ��October 1903, that the first municipal playground in New York opened, in Seward Park, on the Lower East Side.� (Mead 2010: 32) �Seward Park was built not just to encourage the right sort of play, but also to quash the wrong sort of play. � Not long ago, I went to the Seward Park playground with David Rockwell, a New York architect. � Blocks are an essential element at the new Imagination Playground, which is (Mead 2010: 33) Rockwell�s contribution to the playground design. Rockwell�s playground has no monkey bars, or swings, or jungle gyms. It has almost no fixed equipment at all.� (Mead 2010: 34) �The Imagination Playground will, however, have hundreds of what play theorists call �loose parts�: big light-weight blocks made from bright-blue molded foam. Some are shaped like cubes, bricks, or cogs; some have curving cutouts and channels, through which water can flow.� (Mead 2010: 34) �At the Imagination Playground, the blue blocks will be augmented by other bits of playable hardware: wooden wheelbarrows, care tires, plastic barrels, and the like, with which children can build structures, vehicles, water channels, and otherwise create an environment from scratch. � Rockwell has been marketing them as the Imagination Playground in a Box: this summer, then playgrounds across the five boroughs will be provided with a set each. Children�s museums have acquired them, as have affluent elementary school elsewhere in the country. �It is going to change the narrative about what is the best type of play for kids, and parents will start to demand those elements.� (Mead 2010: 34) �America is the land of litigation, and by the nineties the Adventure Playground�had been deemed altogether too adventurous; tunnels were blocked off after parents complained of not being able to see their children at all times. During the playground�s renovation, in 1997, the height of the tree house was significantly reduced.� (Mead 2010: 36) �Play workers are integral to Rockwell�s Imagination Playground, too, although critics have mocked the notion that contemporary children, so overscheduled and hyper-parented already, would need a professional to instruct them in doing what should come naturally.� (Mead 2010: 36) �Six workers at the Imagination Playground will receive training.� (Mead 2010: 36) A story like the following suggests a blurring of the distinction between chattel and cherub. Renzhofer, Martin (2009) �We loved his dream.� The Salt Lake Tribune. June 24th, B1, B2. �Family who lost son, 8, in motocross accident tries to focus on the good times � Saturday wasn�t the first time 8-year-old Logan Emerson had misjudged this particular jump on Rocky Mountain Raceways� motocross circuit.� (Renzhofer 2009: B1) �Logan went over a berm and hit a plywood deflection wall. The child suffered internal injuries and later died at Primary Children�s Medical Center.� (Renzhofer 2009: B1) �The Emersons also are shocked and hurt by critics who wonder why an 8-year-old was competing in motocross at 1 a.m. �We�ve been at these Friday night races since he was 4. You can�t protect someone 23 hours a day,� Rocky Emerson said. �Keeping them in their bedroom, that�s not a way of life.�� (Renzhofer 2009: B2) Jackson, Derrick A. (2009) Let the kids play! The Boston Globe. September 12th. Available: # HYPERLINK "/bostonglobe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2009/09/12/let_the_kids_play/" ##/bostonglobe/editorial_opinion/oped/articles/2009/09/12/let_the_kids_play/# �When schools hire coaches to teach children how to play, it shows just how much we've destroyed childhood. The Conservatory Lab Charter School in Brighton is paying $23,500 to the national nonprofit Playworks to engage children in old-school activities like jump rope, hula hoops, four square, capture the flag, circle dodgeball, and kickball�� ��It is an extraordinarily sad commentary on our society that we have to give kids adults to teach them how to play,�� said Boston College psychologist Peter Gray, who this year published an article in the American Journal of Play exploring how play and humor were critical to the development of hunter-gatherer societies�All cultures until modern times played in age-mixed groups, where younger kids learned skills from older kids and older kids learned to be nurturing and caring,�� Gray said. �This is how kids educated themselves. This is how kids learned to assert themselves while not antagonizing other people.��� �[Boston Public Schools] take away health classes and physical education classes, and then you wonder why kids are walking around with 56 percent body fat.� �The study, which included researchers from Harvard and Boston University medical schools, said their findings mirror others that strongly suggest that fit students are better motivated and have better self-esteem and display less stress. They wrote that �a convincing trend of evidence indicates a supportive role for physical fitness on school performance.��� �You can say the same thing about play. Studies linking childhood play to adult development are powerful enough to have the American Academy of Pediatrics stating that self-directed play is important for children to learn how to be �free agents, not pawns in someone else�s game�In particular, the academy recommends that a significant portion of that play not be run by adults. Child-driven play builds �individual assets children need to develop and remain resilient.��� �In his article, Gray said, �Play, first and foremost, is what a person wants to do, not what a person feels obliged to do.�� He says self-directed play is important for children to learn how to be �free agents, not pawns in someone else�s game.��� The double-speak in the following is breath-taking. Basically the author is arguing that play is too important to be left under the control of unsophisticated children� Wood, Elizabeth (2009) Conceptualizing a pedagogy of play: International perspectives from theory, policy, and practice. In David Kuschner (Ed.), From Children to Red Hatters. Pp. 166-189. Lanham, MD: University Press of America. �In the Reggio Emilia approach, play arises from children�s inner needs, questions, and interests, for example long- and short-term projects that can be (Wood 2009: 169) initiated by the children or adults. Teachers are co-constructors: they play and work with children, developing and extending themes and interests by listening, observing, talking and documenting children�s learning journeys. In the atelier, or art studio, the children work with the atelierista on projects that involve authentic materials, resources, tools and activities. There is an emphasis on inquiry, discovery, problem solving, symbolic representations and knowledge construction. Teachers have a key role in designing the learning environments in order to support educative encounters, communication and relationship, and to extend children�s working theories and conceptual understanding. Choice and interdependence are encouraged in a richly resourced learning environment, with opportunities for children combine, explore and play with ideas and materials. Group projects, rather than free or spontaneous play activities, are the main contexts for learning. The revised version of Developmentally Appropriate Practice positions play as a highly valuable developmental activity. In the original version the commitment to play and free choice was interpreted to imply child-centered permissiveness, with adults adopting a predominantly non-directive and facilitative role. This led to an inadequate distinction between teachers following children�s needs and interests (which may be narrow and repetitive), and teachers stimulating these needs and interest in relation to a broad and balanced curriculum.� (Wood 2009: 170) �Knowing when and how to intervene, and for what purposes, were problematic issues, and the teachers were concerned about spoiling role play through inappropriate or ill-timed interventions�As a result of their involvement in the study, the teachers changed their theories, or practice, or sometimes both, and recognized that play provides opportunities for teaching and learning.� (Wood 2009: 174) Sch�tze, Yvonne, Kreppner, Kurt, Paulsen, Sibylle (1986) The social construction of the sibling relationship. In Jenny Cook-Gumperz, William A Corsaro, & J�rgen Streek (Eds.), Children�s Worlds and Children�s Language. Pp. 128-145. Berlin, Germany: Mouton de Gruyter. Parents teach siblings how to play together �The third phase begins when the younger child achieves active mastery of language between his-her 19th and 18th month. It can now talk to the elder sibling and thereby create new qualities of interaction. The behavior of the parents changes strikingly. They seem no longer to consider it a major obligation to mediate between the children. Rather they leave it more and more to the children� The following are three short scenes from our material which demonstrate different interaction strategies of parents to establish contact between children.� (Sch�tze 1986: 136) Budwig, Nancy, Strage, Amy, and Bamberg, Michael (1986) The construction of joint activities with and age-mate: The transition from caregiver-child to peer play. In Jenny Cook-Gumperz, William A Corsaro, and J�rgen Streek (Eds.), Children�s Worlds and Children�s Language. Pp. 83-108. Berlin, Germany: Mouton de Gruyter. �As adults we frequently take for granted the ability to construct activities jointly with another person. Arriving at a mutual focus by soliciting a partner�s attention or by joining into an ongoing activity, seems rather straightforward. But to many young children, especially those who have interacted primarily with attentive caregivers who shape almost any response on the part of the child into a common frame, the actual process of how to negotiate joint activities is a major obstacle. The caregivers in our study are instrumental in the successful negotiation of the peers� joint activities and the organization of peer play. The mothers are not directly involved in the play of (p. 88) the children. Instead they encourage their children to play with or next to each other. They closely monitor their children�s activities. The mothers assist their children by suggesting ways that the children could use their communicative resources for the purpose of negotiating shared activities. Initiation. One of the primary kinds of strategic assistance the mother give to the children concerns the initiation of joint peer play. The mothers continually point out to the children various way in which a child could attempt to work out a common activity. Three major types of suggestions are made by mothers, namely that: (1)Child 1 SHOW Child 2 her activity �Show Jackie your new book� (2) Child 1 OFFER that Child 2 could participate �Tell Jackie she can play too� (3) Child 1 INSTRUCT Child 2 how to participate �Tell Jackie how that works� (Budwig 1986: 89) �The children rarely attempt to join in each other�s activity without the mother�s prompting.� (Budwig 1986: 89) �Our discussion has focused on some ways in which the mothers have contributed to the initial organization of a joint activity between the children. But ne the children are successful at finding a mutual focus, the mothers still play a significant role in making sure that such focus in maintained. It is not the case that the children merely need assistance in initiating joint activity. The children also require support to help insure that previously established joint focus is maintained.� (Budwig 1986: 90) �In summary, the mothers exert much effort to make the children recognize each other�s point of view. The peers often lack awareness that they could use their existing communicative resources in order to establish and sustain a shared activity. The mother-child dyad functions as a unit. Each mother tends to team up with her own child. (Budwig 1986: 91)�Why do the caregivers put so much effort into helping their children organize joint activities?...Caregivers feel it is important that children at this age begin to interact with age-mates. They may be preparing their children for school situations, where many of their interaction will involve peer play.� (Budwig 1986: 92) Haydon, Deena (2008) �Do your promises and tell the truth. Treat us with respect�: Realizing the rights of children and young people in Northern Ireland. Journal of the History of Childhood and Youth 1(3), 414-442. �A Northern Ireland Commissioner for Children and Young People (NICCY) was established in 2003, whose principle aim is �to safeguard and promote the rights and best interests of children and young persons.�.�{��The author was commissioned�to consult with children and young people to inform this Northern Ireland report. Consultation meetings were held with 132 children and young people, aged eight to twenty-five, from twelve groups across Northern Ireland.� (Haydon 2008: 419) �Most children and young people felt that having safe places to play in their communities was a right they did not enjoy: �There are not enough places to play.� ��Some areas don�t have parks or youth clubs. No play area.� �There�s no after school activities and places to play.� �There�s fuck-all to do. That�s why kids are out on the streets.� (Haydon 2008: 430)�Children and young people wanted more parks and a range of community-based activities such as clubs, trips to the cinema or bowling, outdoor activities and drop-ins.� (Haydon 2008: 431) Note the �moral� implications� Luthar, Suniya S. and Shoum, Karen A. (2006) Extracurricular Involvement Among Affluent Youth: A Scapegoat for �Ubiquitous Achievement Pressures�? Developmental Psychology 42 (3): 583�597 �� suburban 8th graders� involvement in different activities along with their perceptions of parental attitudes toward achievement. Results indicated negligible evidence for deleterious effects of high extracurricular involvement per se. Far more strongly implicated was perceived parent criticism for both girls and boys as well as the absence of after-school supervision. Low parent expectations connoted significant vulnerability especially for boys. (Luther 2006: 583) �On average, girls and boys in this sample spent between 7 and 8 hr/week on structured extracurricular activities (range 0 to 20 hr/week). In terms of reasons for this involvement, enjoyment was mentioned for almost 5 hr/week on average, beliefs in benefits for the future for approximately 2.5 hr, and pressure from adults for 1.5 hr/week on average. In absolute terms, therefore, these early-adolescent children did not report pressure from parents as underlying inordinately high involvement in extracurriculars.� (Luther 2006: 592) �Supporting prior evidence with younger suburban children�the present results show that even among eighth graders the absence of adult after-school supervision does not necessarily foster self-sufficiency�but instead can increase risk for delinquent behaviors. (Luther 2006: 593) Wong, Edward (2008) A Child Jockey�s Rise on the Steppes of Mongolia. The New York Times, July 11th, A10. ��When I�m in the city, I miss my horses,� the boy, Munkherdene, 13, said. �When I�m in the countryside, I miss my friends and games. I really miss my PlayStation.�� (Wong 2008: A10) �Such is the life of a city slicker turned child jockey in the wilds of Mongolia. Horse racing is becoming an industry across the same Central Asian steppes where Genghis Khan and his warrior hordes once galloped. Children as young as 5 ride in races that can be dangerous, with hundreds of horses thundering across the open plain at once, running at speeds approaching 50 miles per hour.� (Wong 2008: A10) �Horse racing is among what Mongolians call the �three manly sports� (alongside wrestling and archery), but female jockeys have started to appear. Munkherdene and his father Enkhbayar spend their summers traveling across the country from race to race, sleeping in the family�s richly appointed traditional tent, or ger, one that cost thousands of dollars and elicits approving looks from passers-by. The family owns more than 100 horses�the father [takes] Munkherdene�during the summers, teaching him to ride and care for the animals.� (Wong 2008: A10) �Enkhbayar said. �But I let my son start racing three years ago. It�s important to have him inherit the knowledge of horses from me. He�ll continue to train horses.� On Tuesday night, while munching on sheep organs, Enkhbayar was weighing whether to let his son race this weekend�.�If I place in the top five, I�ll be so happy,� Munkherdene said. �Maybe I�ll cry.� Prize money can be big by Mongolian standards�1,000,000 togrog, or $870. Prizes at smaller, more select competitions can be even larger�a sport utility vehicle, for instance�Enkhbayar had other hopes. Next year, he said, his 4-year-old son would start learning to ride.� (Wong 2008: A10) Applebome, Peter (2008) Build a Wiffle Ball field and lawyers will come. New York Times. July 10th . #HYPERLINK "/2008/07/10/nyregion/10towns.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=wiffle-ball&st=cse&oref=slogin"#/2008/07/10/nyregion/10towns.html?_r=1&scp=1&sq=wiffle-ball&st=cse&oref=slogin# Accessed July 12th, 2008. �Teenagers in Greenwich, CT, undertook a project to convert a vacant lot into a very professional looking (wiffle) ball field and hold regular games, complete with spectators. However, their initiative was met with a barrage of opposition from neighbors, and City Hall.� (Applebome 2008: online) �After three weeks of clearing brush and poison ivy, scrounging up plywood and green paint, digging holes and pouring concrete, Vincent, Justin and about a dozen friends did manage to build it � a tree-shaded Wiffle ball version of Fenway Park complete with a 12-foot-tall green monster in center field, American flag by the left-field foul pole and colorful signs for Taco Bell Frutista Freezes.� (Applebome 2008: online) �But, alas, they had no idea just who would come�youthful Wiffle ball players, yes, but also angry neighbors and their lawyer, the police, the town nuisance officer and tree warden and other officials in all shapes and sizes. It turns out that one kid�s field of dreams is an adult�s dangerous nuisance, liability nightmare, inappropriate usurpation of green space, unpermitted special use or drag on property values, and their Wiffle-ball Fenway has become the talk of Greenwich and a suburban Rorschach test about youthful summers past and present.� (Applebome 2008: online) Hilary Levey (2009) Pageant princesses and Math whizzes: Understanding children�s activities as a form of children�s work. Childhood 16(2): 195-212. ��parents I met are very concerned about the adult lives of their children. The majority of the parents explain that they have their children involved in these activities to help ensure that they will be successful later in life. One pageant mom explains, �I just want to see my daughters go somewhere�go somewhere in life. I didn�t. I ended up having kids right away. I�m stuck at home now. I�m doing this for them.� (Levey 2009: 204) ��every single pageant mom talked about competitors winning prize money in child beauty pageants� CBP provides an opportunity to win cash prizes and possibly start a college savings fund�Children can also win cruises and Disney vacations.� (Levey 2009: 204) �The idea that pageants can teach children specific skills that will help them be successful was brought up literally hundreds of times in interviews with pageant mothers, as mentioned. There are eight major skills mentioned by moms (in decreasing order of frequency): learning confidence, learning to be comfortable on stage and in front of strangers, learning poise, learning how to present the self and dress appropriately, learning to practice, learning good sportsmanship, learning how to be more outgoing, and learning to listen�� (Levey 2009: 206) �Even mothers who don�t envision a career in entertainment for their daughters still see CBP as teaching their daughters how to best use their beauty for financial gain. One mom, whose six-year-old daughter�s ambitions at a pageant were to become both a dentist and a doctor, said, �Obviously if the child looks like Barbie, and my daughter does, I mean there are some obvious attributes, I tell her to exploit it. I tell her you�re gorgeous, exploit it. Use it everywhere you can. Use it in your life.�� (Levey 2009: 209) Chapter Seven: His First Goat Danielsson, Bengt (1952) The Happy Island. Lyon, F. H. (trans.). London: George Allen and Unwin. �Children begin to have certain duties at the age of three. The Raroians� view is that the children, like all the other members of the family, ought to make themselves useful, and they give even quite small children astonishingly heavy and difficult tasks. Children of four or five are sent regularly to fetch water from the large communal tank; many of them do as many as ten trips a day with their gallon bottles. Others are set to grate coconuts, wash up or to do other kitchen work. A girl of eight washes, irons and cooks, while a boy of the same age helps make copra or is sent out fishing.� (Danielsson 1952: 121) As a result of the children beginning to work and take responsibility at an early age they make strikingly rapid progress, and when only ten or twelve both boys and girls have nothing more to learn�they can do everything that grown-ups can do.� (Danielsson 1952: 122) �For a boy or girl on Raroia everything is different. They are at home from an early age in the limited world which the village and island form. The choice of a profession is no problem, as specialization is unknown and a boy continues to make copra like his father and grandfather before him as a matter of course, while it is equally a matter of course for a girl to become a mother and housewife.� (Danielsson 1952: 123) The Chore Curriculum S�nchez, Martha Areli Ram�rez (2007) �Helping at home:� The concept of childhood and work among the Nahuas of Tlaxcala, Mexico. In Betrice Hungerland, Manfred Leibel, Brian Milne, and Anne Wihstutz (Eds.), Working to Be Someone: Child Focused Research and Practice with Working Children. (pp. 87-95). London, UK: Jessica Kingsley. �Data registered indicate that 100 percent of male and females between three and 17 years old perform domestic chores, agricultural work and utilization of land in the surrounding mountains. The number of hours per day devoted to work varies between 13 and 17 percent�100 percent expressed satisfaction with activities they perform.� (S�nchez 2007: 91) �Work is something that is shared, that unites people and is dignifying.� (S�nchez 2007: 91) �The elderly people in the community say that they have always worked and argue that children nowadays �are not what they used to be, they get sick easily, they are more delicate.�� (S�nchez 2007: 94) Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �Under the guidance of older boys and sometimes also older girls, small children observe how dwarf shrubs (buti) are cut with a hoe and brought home and sometimes, some explaining also takes place. One day, for instance, Khodaydad, aged about ten years, showed and explained to his younger brother Walidad (ages about two and a half years) how to put buti together: He made up a small pile while Walidad squatted next to him and watched. Tying them together, he explained how to do it. Then he untied the bundle and bound it up again to show how it was done. Walidad then wanted to carry it home. His elder brother helped him shoulder it and his sister guided him home, and it was obvious that little Walidad was very proud of being able to accomplish the work.� (Casimir 2010: 54) Katz, Richard (1981) Education as transformation: becoming a healer among#the !Kung and the Fijians. Harvard Education Review, 51(1) 57-78. �Long before people try seriously to become healers, they play at !kia-healing. A group of five- and six-year-old children may perform a small healing dance, imitating the actual dance, with its steps and healing postures, at times falling down as if in !kia. A parent or another close relative, always a !Kung healer, is usually one�s healing teacher. The teacher remains an ordinary person during the non-!kia state, rather than an initimate of the gods. Healers teach primarily by example and do not demand obedience or a long apprenticeship.� (Katz 1981: 62) �The career pattern is fluid, and variations often occur. In the early phase of the career, most males in their late teens and mid-twenties try to become healers and participate in the dances, seeking to drink n/um. Experiencing !kia marks a first turning point in the healer�s career, and end the initial phase. The middle phase is characterized by another turning point, applying !kia to healing. The ability to heal usually comes to the student between the ages of twenty-five and forty and brings recognition as a healer. Those still seeking to become healers between twenty-five and thirty-five feel some tension. But the fact that the community already has enough healers overshadows the dilemmas of anyone whose potential for healing remains ambiguous. If by the age of about forty, one has not yet experienced !kia, it is assumed that one is not meant to become a healer. Accepting that fact is another turning point.� (Katz 1981: 63) In Fiji: �Almost all prospective healers work first as assistants to established healers. �Healers mark the beginning of their work with a first vision, one that calls them to healing.� (Katz 1981: 68) �Becoming a healer depends on an initial transformation of consciousness, a new experience of reality in which the boundaries of self become more permeable to an intensified contact with a transpersonal or spiritual realm.� (Katz 1918: 71) Hill, Jacquette F. and Plath, David W. (1998) Moneyed Knowledge: How Women Become Commercial Shellfish Divers. In John Singleton (Ed.), Learning in Likely Places: Varieties of Apprenticeship in Japan. (pp. 211-225). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. �We suggested that it might help if each woman would tell individually how she came to be a diver. � Her account of her early years was much like those we would hear later from the other women in her age bracket. Born by the ocean, she was playing on the beaches and in the surf by the time she was a toddler. With help from older playmates, she acquired the basics of swimming and breath-hold diving. During primary school vacations, and again after she was graduated, she practiced hunting for shellfish on shallower reefs near shore. Eventually she was invited to join a group of working divers who went out by boat to exploit reefs farther at sea. � We asked who else was in the boat group at that time (divers recall their work histories in terms of the groups they dived with). Through half a century had passed, she quickly named the other women, one of them being her mother. The investigators raised eyebrows to one another. �So your mother taught you how to find abalone?� �My mother!� she said loudly, �She drove me away! I tried to follow her to the bottom to watch, but she shoved me back. When we were on the surface again, she practically screamed at me to move OFF and find my danged abalone BY MYSELF.� So we had to discard [one] clich� about how artisans learn. (Hill and Plath 1998: 212) �Ama say that that physical skills of diving can be mastered in a season of two; and one probably will need another two or three seasons in order to perfect one�s own technique for extracting abalone�which cling tightly to the rocks and must be levered off using a steel bar. They must be pried off without cracking the shell or tearing the soft tissues: Only live, whole abalone bring in today�s high prices. The procedure requires the skill of strength of a surgeon and the swiftness of an athlete. Ama also say that it takes at least a decade to absorb the full corpus of moneyed knowledge about the reef environment and its inhabitants.� (Hill and Plath 1998: 218) Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �The digging stick (ts�apale) is the main tool for women, along with a carrying device. Girls (and, to a lesser extent, boys) begin using them from the time they are 2 years old. After a few years, boys rarely use them, while females continue using them until they die.� (Marlowe 2010: 80) �How to find tubers does not appear to be so crucial that it takes 18 years to master. � There was no support in the Hadza data for the hypothesis that maturity is delayed to master these foraging skills.� (Marlowe 2010: 153) ��the archery scores for men by age. � Notice that some men are almost as good in their 20s as others at any age.� (Marlowe 2010: 154) �The difference between archery skill and hunting returns suggests that more than targeting skill alone is involved in successful hunting. Hunting probably takes considerable learning of animal behavior and experience reading spoor, footprints, blood trails, and the wind (to stay downhill), and stealth.� (Marlowe 2010: 154) �By age 4 or 5 years, children spend most of their time in mixed-sex play-groups in camp or just outside. They are getting much of their own food. After watching 3-4 year-old playing a while, one eventually realizes that children are not just playing but are actually digging small tubers and eating them. They often do this for an hour or two right in camp. Foraging simply emerges gradually from playing and involves very little teaching. It involves a natural interest on the part of the young child watching older people forage and imitating them. Girls 4-8 years old bring in 361 daily kcals, which is about 25% of their requirements. Boys at the same age bring in only 277 daily kcals.� (Marlowe 2010: 156) �Girls 8 years old and up usually go with their mothers on foraging forays, while boys usually stop going with their mothers once they are 6 or 7 years old and begin foraging with other young boys. By age 8-10, both sexes look after their younger siblings, though girls do more of this. These girls also begin taking food back to camp to share with others. Boys get their first bows by about 3 years old and thereafter spend hours every day in target practice, often shooting at a gourd on the ground. By 5 or 6 years of age, boys are good enough to kill birds and small rodents. It is through repeated practice and observation of older boys that they hone their skills. Boys almost never go hunting with their fathers, at least until they are grown (and even then it is rare). By the time boys are 8 or 9 years old, they go hunting for small animals, usually in twos. By 13 or 14 years of age, they usually go hunting by themselves, killing hyraxes, bush babies, dik-diks, and birds of all kinds. They may be (Marlowe 2010: 157) gone nearly all day, longer than any other age-sex class. For example, male age 10-17 are gone an average of 7.3 hours a day. Most of what they acquire they eat while out foraging.� (Marlowe 2010: 158) Edel, May M. (1957/1996) The Chiga of Uganda, 2nd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. �At eight or ten [the child] can do a number of tasks without supervision. A girl of that age may spend a long day working in the fields and come home to tend the fire and even to cook a simple meal, such as boiled corn or potatoes. She can carry her baby sister securely on her hip, and fetch firewood from a considerable distance without adult direction. � The boys� most important task�herding�is a group activity, and allows plenty of time to take a nap. The herd-boy is learning the man�s approach to work, relaxed and leisurely and broken (Edel 1957/1996: 177) by jokes or a song.� (Edel 1957/1996: 178) �This assumption or work and responsibility comes about gradually, and largely on the child�s own initiative. A child of six or seven who is reluctant to work will be prodded or teased, but not forced, to work. However, a boy of seven can scarcely find satisfaction very long in playing about with the children who are at home; as he joins the older boys, he will naturally undertake more and more of what they are doing. Any assumption of adult ways and attempts at adult skills or responsibilities is praised and applauded. As a result, most steps�like a girl�s deciding to don clothes instead of going about with just a little cloak, or giving up goat-meat, or trying to cultivate a small plot by herself�take place long before the time when anyone would insist upon them or take them for granted. This respect for the individual and his right to make work choices underlies Chiga treatment of young children throughout.� (Edel 1957/1996: 178) �There is amazingly little verbalization in the whole learning process. Children seem never to ask �why� questions which are so much a feature or learning in our culture.� (Edel 1957/1996: 178) Pacheco-Cobos, Luis, Rosetti, Marcos, Cuatianquiz, Cecilia, Hudson, Robyn (2010) Sex Differences in Mushroom Gathering: Men Expend More Energy to Obtain Equivalent Benefits. Evolution and Human Behavior, 31(4): 289-297. �Some of the strongest evidence for sex differences in human cognition relate to spatial abilities, with men traditionally reported to outperform women. Recently, however, such differences have been shown to be task dependent. Supporting the argument that a critical factor selecting for sex differences in spatial abilities during human evolution is likely to have been the division of labor during the Pleistocene, evidence is accumulating that women excel on tasks appropriate to gathering immobile plant resources, while men excel on tasks appropriate to hunting mobile prey. � In a first study, we GPS-tracked the foraging pathways of 21 pairs of men and women from an indigenous Mexican community searching for mushrooms in a natural environment. Measures of costs, benefits and general search efficiency were analyzed and related to differences between the two sexes in foraging patterns. Although men and women collected similar quantities of mushrooms, men did so at significantly higher cost. They traveled further, to grater altitudes, and had higher mean heart rates and energy expenditure (kcal). They also collected fewer species and visited fewer collection sites. These findings are consistent with arguments in the literature that differences in spatial ability between the sexes are domain dependent, with women performing better and more readily adopting search strategies appropriate to a gathering lifestyle than men.� (Pacheco-Cobos et al 2010: abstract p. 289) Reynolds, Pamela (1991) Dance Civet Cat: Child Labour in the Zambezi Valley. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. �The majority of the people in Omay are Tonga. In 1969, of the 60,260 Tonga speakers in Zimbabwe�� (Reynolds 1991: xx) �So far, I have focused n the household�s farms, without specific references to the children�s fields. These are usually carved out of their parents� fields, and similarly cultivated.� (Reynolds 1991: 37) �When I asked farmers whether the soil on Andrew�s field was suitable for growing cotton, they all said no. It is curious that none advised him.� (Reynolds 1991: 37) �If child care by children aged four to nine is included, then the amount of time given by children is very substantial. Half of the women in the twelve families had a child less than three years old. These little ones were cared for by five girls and one boy all under the age of ten. They were kept busy while the mothers planted for 23 days and 145.5 hours. They cared for the little ones on average, five hours a day, on average, five days each.� (Reynolds 1991: 49) �Among the children, those fifteen or over contributed 57 percent of the man-days of labor, while those under fifteen contributed 43 percent.� (Reynolds 1991: 53) �Men spent 29 percent of their time in leisure and boys 47 percent. These amounts are almost double those of women (16 percent) and girls (26 percent).� (Reynolds 1991: 64) All work and no play? Edel, May M. (1957/1996) The Chiga of Uganda, 2nd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. �A great deal of the children�s play is imitative. Little girls strap bundles of leaves on their backs as babies, boys build little (Edel 1957/1996: 177) houses. Their imitativeness is sometimes very ingenious. One bright lad was a great hit when he made spectacles like my sunglasses of papyrus pith and reed.� (Edel 1957/1996: 177) �A little girl accompanying her mother to the fields practices swinging a hoe and learns to pull weds or pick greens while playing about. � A boy tagging after his father watches him milk the cows or thatch the house, whittle a hoe handle or roast a bit of meat on a stick. Playing with a small gourd, a child learns to balance it on his head, and is applauded when he goes to the watering-place with the other children and brings it back with a little water in it. As he learns, he carries an increasing load, and gradually the play activity turns into a general contribution to the household water supply.� (Edel 1957/1996: 177) Katz, Cindi (1986) Children and the Environment: Work, Play, and Learning in Rural Sudan. Children�s Environments Quarterly 3(4): 43-51. �In fact, one of the most striking aspects of the children�s lives was the fusion between the activities of work, play and learning in time, space and meaning. Knowledge acquired in the course of children�s participation in work was reinforced and enhanced in their play. Likewise, children learned concepts, integrated relationship and acquired skills in their play which they drew up on the course of their work. Work and play were a rich unity in Howa and overshadowed formal means as the way in which children acquired, experimented with, and consolidated environmental knowledge.� (Katz 1989: 47) Rao, Aparna (2006) The Acquisition of Manners, Morals and Knowledge: Growing into and Out of Bakkarwal Society. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 53-76. Oxford: Berghan Books. �When out herding, children weave toys tents from grass, and play games individually and in twos, rather than in groups. It must be remembered that throughout the year Bakkarwal camps (dera) are small.� (Rao 2006: 58) �In the process of playing and helping with work, all children learn to recognize the right plants and trees, and practice how to handle the forests and negotiate the mountain slopes. By about nine or ten, they must know the names and uses of trees, some of which are collected as fuel, others as construction material for the winter huts, and yet others as fodder for different herd animals.� (Rao 2006: 58) Maynard, Ashley E. (2002) Cultural teaching: The development of teaching skills in Maya sibling interactions. Child Development, 7: 969-982. Mayan toddlers learn primarily by observing and interacting with their sibling caretakers. Much of this learning occurs in the context of make-believe play where the older siblings guide and correct the younger child�s actions and speech to bring it into conformity with accepted practice. The older children are often quite direct in both showing and telling their charges how to do things such as washing a baby doll. Author also�illustrates the gradual improvement in teaching technique at more advanced ages. For example, �Their use of commands declined as their use of talk with demonstration increased sharply. They increased their use of evaluations and explanations, and used the body in teaching at helpful moments.� (p. 978). Maynard, Ashley E. (2004) Cultures of teaching in childhood: Formal schooling and Maya sibling teaching at home. Cognitive Development 19: 517�535 �There was evidence of transfer from the activity setting of school to the sibling activity setting at home. Zinacantec children�s discourse practices were affected by their experience with school such that children who had attended school for even a year or two used more verbal discourse in their interactions and taught more from a distance than their unschooled siblings. Schooled children also gave more explanations than their unschooled counterparts, reflecting the pattern of decontextualized talk seen in school. Interestingly, children who had been to school often tried the school model of teaching from a distance with much verbal discourse until they realized that that model was not resulting in the younger child�s compliance in doing the task. The older siblings would then provide direct nonverbal, scaffolded help to the learners, in close bodily contact, more consistent with the Zinacantec model of teaching and learning (p. 530).� Productivity and proficiency Zeller, Anne C. (1987) A role for children in Hominid evolution. Man 22(3): 528-557. �The material for a survey of children�s contributions in hunter-gatherer and horticultural societies is not reported in the literature for very many societies.� (Zeller 1987: 541) �I interviewed eleven field researchers who provided first hand information on thirteen cultures with hunting-gathering and limited horticultural bases.� (Zeller 1987: 541) �On a proportional basis, child care was the most important activity carried out by children, and ranged from playing with the baby to caring for him or her over the course of a day or even overnight.� (Zeller 1987: 544) �Very young children (age 3) may start with one or two sticks of wood, or yams in a carry net, but by age 8 they are carrying firewood, water, produce and messages.� (Zeller 1987: 544) ��time and energy consuming preparation of coconuts, taro, seeds and nuts. By six to ten years of age children wash, grate, pound, peel and cook food on a more or less regular basis.� Zeller 1987: 544) �The fourteen groups surveyed show great variation in the numbers of activities by which children contribute to their maintenance.� (Zeller 1987: 546) Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �From the time a child gives evidence of comprehending an order, it is trained to obey�the mother recognizes this when she has sent a child some place to carry out her bidding, and the child has done so.� (Hilger 1957: 52) �Praise and rewards were seldom given in their childhood days. �To give a girl recognition for what she was, or did, was not our custom; the very fact that a parent was satisfied with her and with what she did, was enough reward. If a boy�s conduct was outstanding, he was rewarded by being sent to a cacique with an important message, or with words of comfort to a family in which a death had occurred.� (Hilger 1957: 77) Kamp, Kathryn A. (2009) Children in an Increasingly Violent Social Landscape: A Case Study from the American Southwest. Childhood in the Past, 2: 71-85. ��insubstantial dwellings in which the full range of household activities do not seem to have occurred. The current interpretation is that these represent field houses analogous to those recorded historically for the Zuni. Portions of the household, perhaps the elderly or older children may have resided at these sites during critical seasons and undertaken important tasks such as chasing predators from crops. Historically, this has been a chore for Pueblo children. Late ceramics are not generally found at field house sites, suggesting that during the Turkey Hill Phase this survival strategy was abandoned, perhaps because it was deemed too dangerous for small groups, or especially vulnerable members of the household, to spend time isolated and unprotected. If field houses were no longer part of the subsistence strategy, yet the population was more concentrated, the logical outcome was a longer walk to at least some of the fields utilized by each household. It is hard to assess whether or not children would have been encouraged to work fields located far from the village but, when violence was perceived as a threat, it seems likely that they at least did not do so unaccompanied. Thus, a reduction in the use of field houses to serve dispersed fields plus the need for each household to rely on some fields located farther from the village may have decreased children�s agricultural contributions. Water and wood collection, two other tasks commonly allocated to children, would also have become much more difficult and less likely to be assigned to children.� (Kamp 2009: 77) Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �Between eighteen and thirty months of age, depending on its physical ability, the child begins to act independently as a messenger�Carrying water and firewood are the first daily chores regularly performed. Seven- or eight-year-olds fetch water in the morning, enough for the whole day. Each afternoon they must collect one day�s supply of firewood.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 31) Broad survey of ethnographic literature on learning to hunt MacDonald, Katherine (2007). Cross-cultural comparison of learning in human hunting: Implication for life history evolution. Human Nature, 18: 386-402. General picture is one where learning to hunt spans at least the first two decades of life, e.g. �..5-year-old Waorani boys are expected to be proficient enough with a blowgun to be able to hit targets of fruit of leaves consistently �Despite the early start, a Waorani boy does not become truly effective with the blowgun or lance until his late teens.� (MacDonald 2007: 391) Not until early teens are boys considered sufficiently forest-savvy to accompany adults, earlier, they hunt with older siblings and peers. Puri, Rajindra K. (2005). Deadly Dances in the Bornean Rainforest: Hunting Knowledge of the Punan Benalui. Leiden, The Netherlands: KITLV Press. ��the semi-settled Penan Benalui hunter-gatherers of the mountainous interior of East Kalimantan, Indonesia (Central Borneo).� (Puri 2005: 1) �Hunters prefer to go alone because the technique of stalking arboreal prey requires silence and great patience, two traits that children have great difficult in meeting. Practice sessions with children and young adults can take place at any time during the day and may be combined with other kinds of activities, such as forest-product collecting. During these times there is less pressure on hinters to remain silent, so that questions can be answered and advice offered. Once children understand the basic principles of using weapons and the strategy being employed, including the many kinds of non-verbal communication used in a silent stalk, then they can accompany their teachers and eventually strike out on their own.� (Puri 2005: 233-4) �If the hunter is travelling with a child or companion, he will motion for then to hide and wait and then he will begin to quietly stalk the animal.� (Puri 2005: 236) �As might be expected, Penan hunters do not have explicit terms for the categories of knowledge... Instead, when asked what one must know in order to hunt, hunters usually narrate a prototypical hunt. They mention the tasks required, the factors they assess before and during a hunt, and in many cases, they mimic the actual behaviours involved in killing the animal. Through additional questioning and the posing of hypothetical situations, experienced hunters reveal an abundance of detailed information for specific contexts, again without mention of generalized categories of knowledge. Only when, questioning hunters about learning and teaching did implicit categories of knowledge forms emerge, usually associated with different levels of accomplishment and experience as a hunter.� (Puri 2005: 280) �Penan children pass through three general stages in learning to hunt, which can be labeled �parental,� �peer,� and �individual.� These categories are based on the dominant source of knowledge about hunting during each stage. Parental learning involves fathers, uncles, and other elders teaching young boys and occasionally girls too�Peer learning occurs in groups of young hunters, from roughly fourteen years old until late teens or early twenties; afterwards, boys start to hunt alone. Individual learning takes place as adults, who often prefer to hunt alone.� (Puri 2005: 280) �Fathers begin to take young boys hunting when children are four or five. By nine or ten they will be frequently accompanying uncles and other adult males. By then, they know most of the important animals� names and their behavioral characteristics, and have heard hundreds of nightly tales of hunting adventures from their elders�prohibition on speaking in the forest [hence] fathers are reluctant to talk and explain�in the forest�At this early stage, a child�s education is more concerned with forest survival techniques. On excursions in the forest and while at home, adults emphasize general skills such as geographical orientation, marking a trail, lighting a fire, sharpening a knife or spear, cutting and preparation of rattan, building a shelter, what to do if hurt or lost�.After all, as several hunters commented, there is only so much you can teach children in order for them to start. Much of their expertise will be gained through trial and error experience in play or while actually hunting, not by direct instruction. (Puri 2005: 281) �Mimicry is a favourite activity of Penan� practicing their bird and animal calls. Play is a very important means of acquiring skills, which parents encourage by making smaller-sized weapons, such as spears and blowpipes, for children to practice with.� (Puri 2005: 282) Learning Fishing on Samoa Odden, Harold and Rochat, Philippe (2004) Observational learning and enculturation. Educational and Child Psychology, 21(2):39-50. Various forms of individual and communal fishing are very common in Samoa, as they are throughout the Pacific. The three most common methods of individual fishing in the village in which we worked were spear fishing, line fishing and thrown-net fishing. For each of these methods, children from 6 to 12 years of age frequently accompanied the adults or adolescents who were the primary participants. On many occasions the accompanying children carried woven palm frond baskets into which the captured fish are placed. With line fishing, children may be asked to gather hermit crabs, which can be used to bait the fishing hooks. But the child�s participation in the actual fishing is strikingly limited. Fishing line, nets and spears are limited in number, so that there is little opportunity for the child to fish simultaneously with adults where the adults might supervise the child�s actions. On the numerous (approximately 50) occasions on which children were observed fishing, only once did an adult allow the accompanying child to use the adult�s line, net or spear while he supervised their efforts. Of course, with spear fishing there are strict limits on observation as there was frequently only a single spear and set of goggles, so that the child would simply wait on the shore while the adult fished in the lagoon. The observational and interview data suggest that learning how to fish occurs by observing the actions of an adult or more experienced adolescent at close proximity on several occasions, regardless of the fishing method employed. Older children (generally 10 years or older) would then borrow the adult�s fishing equipment and attempt to go fishing on their own without any adult supervision. Thus, there is observation coupled with emulation and (p. 44) experimentation by the child or a group of children, which eventually resulted in fishing skill acquisition. Several of the older children observed (10�12 years of age) were moderately skilled fisherman who could successfully capture fish via one or more of these methods. When asked how they learned to do so, each indicated that they had at first observed the actions of a skilled fisherman and then had repeatedly tried to imitate their actions on their own, and with some practice began to successfully catch fish. (p. 45) Unusual case of parents teaching subsistence skills Ruddle, Kenneth and Chesterfield, Ray (1977) Education for Traditional Food Procurement in the Orinoco Delta. Los Angeles, CA: University of California Press. �The curriculum, or content and structure of learning situation, created for the children of Guara is influenced by the biophysical characteristics of the Orinoco delta. Inhabitants of the region have adapted to the biophysical environment by developing a mixed food procurement system, comprising cultivation, animal husbandry, fishing, and hunting. Each of these activities has been consciously organized to embrace the training of children in the complexes of tasks necessary to perform that particular activity. Before analyzing the particular mode of adaptation of Guare�os, it is necessary to examine the biophysical environment of Guara island.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 9) �Almost from the time of a child�s first utterance, fathers show the day�s catch and repeat the name of each species taken. (p. 32) Arenca and various kinds of bagre, common fish caught daily, can be identified by children of three, and altogether it takes about five years for children to master the names of the useful, nondomesticated, local fauna: �six-year-olds know the names of all animals and can recognize them in the wild�A mother begins to train her three-year-old about animals by familiarizing it with ducks and chickens, ever-present and easily cared for animals. In the evening a child is offered a piece of manioc or plantain and told to imitate its mother who is throwing food to the waiting birds. A hesitant child is helped, though most young children cheerfully undertake this task and usually learn it in one day.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 33) ��children accompanying their parents to the conuco. While the man makes holes with his digging stick, and his wife places seeds carefully in each hold, the child follows, using the feet to push the earth back over the maize�A highly developed cultivation system, including both shifting and permanent fields minutely adapted to the peculiar hydrologic regime of the deltaic environment, is operated on the Isla de Guara. In this system, 105 monocultural, conuco, and dooryard-garden species�� (Ruddle and Chesterfieldlge 1977: 71) �Not only do islanders perform their own cultivation tasks with great care, but they also thoroughly train their children in the art of cultivation. From eighteen months of age, children begin to learn to identify plants. Training in plant identification and harvesting for home consumption continue in the growing site. Introduction to the sowing and planting of crops occurs when a child is about six years of age. An observation season or two is followed by training in the simpler tasks of planting. By the time a boy is ten or eleven, and has received his own conuco, he is trained in commercial harvesting. When a boy is big and strong enough to work his on conuquito, that little field becomes his training ground for digging and interplanting techniques. Plants are anthropomorphized and the need for a boy to be careful with those in his conuco is stressed. Similarly, the first tasks for boys learning to cut and burn are those of fetching, carrying, and slashing, which build on previously acquired skills. The system of training a young cultivator is lad out with precision.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 77) �On Guara, almost one-eight of the total labor input into cultivation and complementary activities is devoted to educating the upcoming generation.� (Ruddle and Chesterfield 1977: 126) Paradise, Ruth and Rogoff, Barbara (2009). Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in. Ethos. 37: 102-138. Highlights are corrected year, vol, page numbers. This eagerness appears in the involvement of a four- or five-year-old Mazahua girl who learns as she spends hours, days, and weeks seated beside her mother or other women emulating and helping at an onion stand in the marketplace in M�xico (Paradise 1985). She trims onions. She tirelessly practices tying them into bunches with or without success. She arranges them carefully on a piece of plastic laid out on the ground, fanning away insects patiently during long stretches while seated on the ground beside the onions. She ties pieces of plastic above them to keep them from the direct sunlight. When, eventually, in the form of an abandoned piece of cardboard, an opportunity to put together her own small stand presents itself, her excitement is unmistakable and she quickly takes the initiative in finding an appropriate spot and setting it up. (Paradise 2009: 113) Rival , Laura (2000) Formal schooling and the production of modern citizens in the Ecuadorian Amazon. In Bradley A.U. Levinson (Ed.), Schooling the Symbolic Animal: Social and Cultural Dimensions of Education. Pp.108-122. Lanham, MA: Rowman & Littlefield. �Nothing is more cheering for a Huaorani parent than a three-year-old�s decision to join a food gathering expedition. The young child, whose steps on the path are carefully guided away from thorns and crawling insects, is praised for carrying his/her own oto (a basket mad of a single palm leaf hurriedly woven on the way), and bringing it back to the longhouse filled with forest food to �give away,� that is, to share with co-residents.� (Rival 2000: 116) �Although Huaorani material culture is minimal, there are a few elaborate artifacts, such as the blowpipe. These objects are difficult to make. � For example, a boy willing to help with the making of a blowpipe starts by sanding the surface of a nearly completed one. While he learns to make more difficult parts, he receives a small blowpipe for hunting practice. In (Rival 2000: 116) this fashion, he acquires simultaneously the art of making and the art of using the full-size blowpipe.� (Rival 2000: 117) Goodwin, Grenville and Goodwin, Janice Thompson (1942) The Social Organization of the Western Apache. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. �When old enough to leave camp by himself, usually around eight years of age, a boy started hunting small game�A boy's first prey was usually some small creature such as a bird or lizard�he probably learned more about this sort of hunting while with others of his own age on miniature hunting parties when he and his companions set forth armed with slings and small bows and arrows to hunt what they could. By the time boys were twelve, they were hunting quail, rabbits, squirrels, and wood rats, all of which could be used for food. At puberty the average boy was an accurate shot and knew all there was to know about hunting small game. When the occasional quail drives were held, old and young of both sexes joined, but boys were particularly active. Hunting large game such as deer was a very serious undertaking, and it was not until after puberty, at fifteen or sixteen, that a boy was taken out on his first deer hunt by his father, uncle, maternal grandfather, or some other relative. Occasionally, several youths accompanied a large hunting trip. They fetched wood and water for the camp and looked after the horses, at the same time gaining experience by being with skilled hunters. They received the less choice portions of the kill when the meat was divided�such as part of the liver or front leg. Boys learned much of what they ultimately would know about hunting from observation without direct instruction� (Goodwin and Goodwin 1942: 475). Heywood, Colin (2001) A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. �As late as the nineteenth century, the majority of children in the West were encouraged to begin supporting themselves at an early stage. The age of 7 was an informal turning point when the offspring of peasants and craftsmen were generally expected to start helping their parents with the little tasks around the home, the farm or workshop.� (Heywood 2001: 37) Nerlove, Sara B. , John M. Roberts, Robert E. Klein, Charles Yarbrough, Jean-Pierre Habicht. 1974. Natural Indicators of Cognitive Development: An Observational Study of Rural Guatemalan Children. Ethos 2 (3): 265-295. �The simplest and earliest task for which children are given actual responsibility is the running of errands, transporting objects to or from people's homes or going to a local shop for a few cents' worth of goods. Considerably more difficult are the errands to the maize fields or other errands that require the child to go outside the community. Selling various items in the community may range in complexity from approximately the status of an errand to the cognitively complex task of soliciting buyers from anywhere in the community and of making change. Children may engage in the caretaking of a younger sibling.� (Nerlove 1974: 276) Katz, Cindi (2004) Growing up Global: Economic Restructuring and Children�s Everyday Lives. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. Village in E. Central Sudan� �In a typical morning or afternoon a youngster selling water made at least one trip for his or her own family and retuned to the well four to eight more times to fill a pair of five gallon jerry-cans and hawk them in the village. Each pair sold for the equivalent of about twelve cents, and children generally contributed their earnings to their households�Ten-year-old Sami, the middle child of three and the oldest boy in his household, went in search of firewood almost daily. � Sami�s father was not a tenant and earned an extremely modest living primarily from the sale of charcoal he produced.� (Katz 2004: 14) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �When children are from five to six years old they are delegated their first chores of importance in the daily activities of the household. They are by now regarded as old enough to be significant contributors, able to assist in a variety of different tasks. The assignments are, however, always adjusted to their physical age and mental maturity, as interpreted by their parents. The children are still not regarded as capable of heavy work such as most agricultural labor, netfishing, and other activities that require physical strength.� (Broch 1990: 79) �Many different goods are bartered in Miang Tuu. Most of these items are natural products, such as fish, turtle eggs, fruit, and mildly fermented cassava (tape)� Mothers engage their sons and daughters between the age of seven and twelve years to barter the goods. � Boys and girls carry what they have to sell on small trays placed on their heads. While they walk around the village, they cry out the name of the product and its price. Those who want to buy call on the young traders. The wife in a household that lacks children of the right age summons her neighbor�s son or daughter to do the selling.� (Broch 1990: 84) The following is a wonderful example from Mexico of a young girl learning to market. I would note her youth and, also, the considerable length of time in which she can learn these skills� Paradise, Ruth and Rogoff, Barbara (2009). Side by side: Learning by observing and pitching in. Ethos. 37: 102-138. This eagerness appears in the involvement of a four- or five-year-old Mazahua girl who learns as she spends hours, days, and weeks seated beside her mother or other women emulating and helping at an onion stand in the marketplace in M�xico. She trims onions. She tirelessly practices tying them into bunches with or without success. She arranges them carefully on a piece of plastic laid out on the ground, fanning away insects patiently during long stretches while seated on the ground beside the onions. She ties pieces of plastic above them to keep them from the direct sunlight. When, eventually, in the form of an abandoned piece of cardboard, an opportunity to put together her own small stand presents itself, her excitement is unmistakable and she quickly takes the initiative in finding an appropriate spot and setting it up. (Paradise 2009: 118) Hogbin, Ian (1969) A Guadalcanal Society: The Kaoka Speakers. New York: Holt, Rinehart, and Winston. �The men may also allocate plots to their sons and speak of the growing yams as their own harvest.� (Hogbin 1969: 39) �At the age of ten the boy makes an occasional fishing excursion in a canoe. To start with, he sits in the center of the canoe and watches, perhaps baiting the hooks and removing the catch, but soon he takes part with the rest. In less than a year he is a useful crew member and expert in steering and generally handling of the craft. At the same time, I have never seen youths under the age of sixteen out at sear by themselves. Often they are eager to go before this, but the elders are unwilling to give permission lest they endanger themselves or the canoe. Most fathers have allocated at least one pig to the son by the time he is about eight; moreover, they insist that he accept full obligation to gather and husk coconuts each day so that the animal can be fed in the evening. Usually the child is at first keenly interested, but after a time he may have to be scolded severely to make him attend to his duty.� (Hogbin 1969: 39) All Work And No Play? Hilger, Sister M. Inez (1957) Araucanian Child Life and Cultural Background. Smithsonian Miscellaneous Collections, vol. 133. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �The territory occupied by the Araucanians (in what is now Chile) when the Spanish first entered it probably extended from the Andean uplands to the Pacific and from the southern tip of the Island of Chilo� to the river Choapa.� (Hilger 1957: 4) �A child�s eyesight is keen. So are its powers of observation.� (Hilger 1957: 50) �Going along a path, they will trace the steps of tiny insects that have gone that way, also; I can hardly see them. When we look for anything outdoors, children find it immediately. Their sense of hearing is just as keen.� (Hilger 1957: 50) Rossie, Jean-Pierre (2009) Tradition, change and globalisation in Moroccan children�s toy and play culture. Unpuplished MS, Gent Belgium. Today in the east of Morocco, where tourists come to admire the sand dunes of Merzouga, some young girls make their traditional dolls with a frame of reed not so much any longer to play with them, although they still use them for their doll play, but for selling them to tourists. So doing these dolls change from children�s toys to tourist objects. Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Separating work from play is often problematic.� (Broch 1990: 83) Katz, Cindi (2004) Growing up Global: Economic Restructuring and Children�s Everyday Lives. Minneapolis, MN: University of Minnesota Press. �Saddiq and Mohamed let the animals graze, joining two friends who had met them along the way to play shedduck, a game in which players hop holding one leg behind them, madly attempting to knock down their opponents while remaining standing.� (Katz 2004: 6) Productivity and Proficiency Collings, Peter (2009) Birth Order, Age, and Hunting Success in the Canadian Arctic. Human Nature, 29:354-374. �One of the findings of this study is that a hunter�s age is a significant influence on his subsistence production. � This importance is due largely to the ability of early-born males to help provision younger siblings. This study finds that early-born males produce more meat than later-born males. They also provide significant amounts of food to their parent�s larders.� (Collings 2009: 370) Rowley-Conwy (2001). Time, change, and the archaeology of hunter-gatherers: How original is the �Original Affluent Society?� In Hunter-Gatherers an Interdisciplinary Perspective, Catherine Panter-Brick, Robert H. Layton and Peter Rowley-Conwy (Eds). Pp. 39-72. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Analysis of complexity in H&G, is there a trend? �There is no directional trend among hunter-gatherer societies. Numerous examples reveal complexity coming and going frequently as a result of adaptive necessities.� (Rowley-Conwy 2001: 64) Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo (1976) Training for the priesthood among the Kogi of Columbia. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 265-288. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �Kogi material culture, it has been said already, is limited to an inventory of a few largely undifferentiated, coarse utilitarian objects, and the basic skills of weaving or pottery making�both male activities�are soon mastered by any child.� (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1976: 281) Matthiasson, John S. (1979) But teacher, why can�t I be a hunter: Inuit adolescence as a double-blind situation, in Childhood and Adolescence in Canada. Kenneth Ishwaran (Ed.), pp. 72-82. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. Incompetent hunter scares seals off from breathing holes� �Boys at the age of ten begin to be taken along on hunts, not to hunt themselves, but to participate by handling the dogs while the adult male crept slowly up on a seal, if it were spring hunting, or stood stoically by the breathing hole in winter, waiting for the sound of an animal�Young Inuit males worked to the point where they would finally be allowed to make the kill.� (Matthiasson 1979: 74) �As mentioned earlier, in the traditional Inuit family young children were given a degree of personal freedom which would probably shock even the most permissive southern parent. In the case of boys, it may well have been intentional on the part of the parents, for they were aware that they were socializing children who would become hunters in one of the most demanding and often dangerous environments on the face of the earth. Young girls were also given almost unlimited freedom.� (Matthiasson 1979: 76) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Miang Tuu children are eager to help their parents in various ways. Both girls and boys beg their father for permission to come along on fishing expeditions. Children also wish to participate in agricultural work and the gathering activities on the beach. One day permission is granted, but the next day a similar request is refused�Children�s help is often a burden that prevents the adults from doing effective work.� (Broch 1990: 83) �Children often reduce the output of their parent�s fishing activities. When the children are excited and eager to help, they soon forget that they have to be careful and watch their movements to avoid frightening the fish away.� (Broch 1990: 85) �Adults say that labor in the fields is too strenuous for children because it is physically hard work, and also the strong heat from the sun exhausts children quickly.� (Broch 1990: 85) Learning Crafts Smith, Patricia E. (2006). Children and ceramic innovation: A study in the archaeology of children. Archeological Papers of the American Anthropological Association, 15: 65�76. Huron tribe, southern Canada�rich ceramic rtraditions. �The small size of the vessels may reflect the amount of clay given to the child� (p. 68). ��ethnohistoric information points to other Huron �tools of socialization� (e.g., pounding sticks, little bows) that are given to children as soon as they are able to manage them� (p. 68) �I then examined the relationship between the designs on adult and juvenile pots to address the issue of children as innovators in ceramic decoration in prehistoric Huron society. If children were innovators, one would expect to see a temporal pattern in the creation and adoption of decorations, wherein a new decoration appears first on juvenile pots then later on adult pots, suggesting that decorations adopted during childhood are retained in adulthood� (p. 68) �The results from the�analyses clearly indicate that juvenile and adult pots are decorated differently�I had originally expected to find that children were the primary innovators in ceramic decoration�but this seems not to be the case� (p. 71) MacKenzie, Maureen Anne (1991) Androgynous Objects: String bags and Gender in Central New Guinea. Reading Berkshire, UK: Harwood. �The Telefol expectation, and by and large the fact, is that every woman and all girls over the age of eight to ten years, regardless of individual temperament, will participate in bilum manufacture, and achieve competency in the basic looping techniques necessary to make the principal form of bilum�There is no formal system for the transmission of bilum looping skills. The transmission of technology, like the transmission of other aspects of culture in traditional societies is accomplished through observation�Basic looping technology is absorbed steadily from the time a daughter first sits in her mothers lap and is able to observe her mother�s hands constantly working.� (MacKenzie 1991: 100) �When the right rhythmic motions become automatic and are integrated into the unconscious, one is said to have achieved the �feel� of the craft. The reason why Telefol men do not acquire this competency is simply because they are removed from the realm of women�s activities at an early age.� (MacKenzie 1991: 101) �Meta, a young woman from Eliptamin talked about the way in which she acquired looping skills �Before, when I was little I didn�t know anything. I used to watch my mother. I�d watch her making her bilum. One day I saw her put the bilum she was working on safely in the rafters while she went to the garden to work. I�d been watching her hands carefully and wanted to try myself, so I took her bilum. But I didn�t really know how to loop. I was only pretending to loop and I messed up her looping. I saw I�d done it al wrong and was frightened and put her bilum down. Then I ran away at top speed (givim sikisti) to hide in the bush. Later, when my mum came back is was really hard work for her to undo what I had done and she wanted to hit me.�� (MacKenzie 1991: 102) �The practice of learning through observation and mimesis leads to a remarkable cultural conformity, for each daughter follows exactly the motor habits and bodily motions of her mother, elder sisters, other women of her hamlet, and indeed all Telefol women. There is only one culturally correct way to move your hands in each stage of the spinning and looping process and these intrinsic rules are absorbed and assimilated as a fundamental part of the learning process. Conformity is valued over individual elaboration, because it is a means of confirming one�s tribal identity vis-�-vis other Min groups.� (MacKenzie 1991: 103) �While it is compulsory for every adolescent girl to (MacKenzie 1991: 103) master the principal techniques, and be able to construct an aam bal men [mouth-band bilum]; only older girls begin to learn those elaborated technical variations which will improve the quality of their product by making it stronger e.g., the reinforced looping techniques alik man, afek men, and alaang men. Married women, as they grow older, progress to learn one by one, the fuller range of open-looping techniques, and some of the tight looping techniques...� (MacKenzie 1991: 104) �There are very few women, who know the full repertoire of traditional looping techniques and bilum construction processes. This is because few have the occasion or the impetus to master every looping variation.� (MacKenzie 1991: 104) �A girl who is strongly motivated to acquire further looping knowledge must convince an elder female relative by her initiative, enthusiasm and previous achievement, that she is capable of learning a new technique. If the elder custodian considers the girls ready to proceed she will accept the string which the novice has prepared and efficiently begin looping. After initial close observation the aspiring looper will take over, and in the course of completing the bilum will master the new techniques. However, the double bind is that if the older women are too convincing in their deceptions, and successfully perpetuate the myth that the techniques are �too hard,� the possibility is that they will fail to transmit their knowledge at all, and aspects of looping technology will be lost. Today, most young women accept unquestioningly that certain traditional techniques are too hard, and since there are no pressure on girls to be competent in all techniques�many of the younger Telefol women�are satisfying their enthusiasm and curiosity with their women friends at the Telefol station, who have migrated in from other areas of PNG�Telefol women have been quick to master the non indigenous techniques; favoring the Central Highland method of working multicolored designs into the fabric of the bilum.� (MacKenzie 1991: 106) Ingold, Tim (2000) The Perception of the Environment: Essays on Livelihood, Dwelling, and Skill. London: Routledge. �Among the Telefol people of central New Guinea, and indeed throughout this region, one of the most ubiquitous and multifunctional accessories to everyday life is the string bag or bilum. It is made by means of a looping technique from two-ply string spun from plant fibres. Children are introduced to the techniques of bilum making from a very early age. All young Telefol children, both boys and girls, help their mothers and elder sisters in preparing fibres for spinning. Boys, as they grow older, do not go on to master fully the skills of looping, for the simple reason that they are soon removed, by the conventions of their society, from the sphere of women�s activities. Men have no need to make their own bags, as these are willingly supplied to them by women, who thus maintain an effective monopoly on bilum making. Girls, by contrast, remain close to their mothers and other female relatives, and continue to develop their skills, quietly and unobtrusively following in their mothers� footsteps.� (Ingold 2000: 154) �It seems, then, that progress from clumsiness to dexterity in the craft of bilum-making is brought about not by way of an internalization of rules and representations, but through the gradual attunement of movement and perception.� (Ingold 2000: 156) Tehrani, Jamshid J. and Collard, Mark (2009) On the relationship between interindividual cultural transmission and population-level cultural diversity: a case study of weaving in Iranian tribal populations. Evolution and Human Behavior 30: 286-300. Women weave. ��females usually begin learning weaving techniques around 9 or 10 years of age but may start as early as 6 years of age. Initially, they learn table weaving and flat-weaving techniques. Once these have been mastered, they go on to learn the more complex technique of pile weaving. Most interviewees were initially taught how to weave by their mothers. Only 2 of the 62 weavers interviewed reported learning technical skills from someone other than their mother. In both cases the skills in question were pile-weaving techniques and were taught by an aunt. The transmission of weaving techniques involves little explicit verbal instruction. Rather, mothers teach mostly through a mixture of demonstration, participation, and intervention. This requires a high degree of coordination between the activities of the mother and daughter. Initially, girls help their mothers prepare small quantities of wool using a spindle and practice knots on miniature looms. Once they have learned the basics of wool preparation and loom use, they graduate to assisting their mothers with their projects. While assisting their mothers, girls learn the techniques required to manufacture textiles, including setting up the loom and warp, creating patterns from knots, and fastening the sides and ends of a piece. Over time, girls gradually assume responsibility for weaving increasingly large and complex sections of the textile until they have memorized every detail of its production. Girls generally continue to work as assistants to their mothers until they reach adolescence. At this stage, most girls have mastered a more or less complete repertoire of techniques and are in a position to start working on their own projects. According to the interviewees, weavers rarely, if ever, learn new techniques after they gain independence. Thus, the acquisition of weaving techniques is dominated by mother-to-daughter vertical transmission� Once a weaver begins to work on her own projects she often learns designs from women other than her mother. More than half (35 out of 59) of the interviewees reported that they regularly compared and exchanged weaving designs with older sisters, aunts, sisters-in-law, and/or friends. Many women said that, for a reasonably skilled weaver, it is easy to memorize new designs just by looking at them.� (Tehrani 2009: 289) �The acquisition of weaving techniques is dominated by vertical inter-individual transmission, while the design repertoires of individual weavers are built up through a combination of vertical, oblique, and horizontal inter-individual transmissions.� (Tehrani 2009: 290) Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. (pp. 303-358). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Warao are a South American Indian tribe that has dwelled in the Orinoco Delta.� (Wilbert 1976: 303) �The name Warao designates specifically a single person and generically the entire tribe. The word derived from wa, �canoe,� and arao, �owner.� The Warao are owners of canoes. In this society, therefore, to become an expert canoe maker is tantamount to becoming a man, and the worst one can say about a man is that he is wayana, �without canoe.� (Wilbert 1976: 303) �For hunting and fishing purposes the Warao rely mainly on the lance, harpoon, bow and arrow, and hooks�By far the most complex and most developed item of material culture is their dugout canoe. The canoe is the floating house of the traveling family and essential to their livelihood because most life-sustaining activities in the Delta require transportation by water. The Warao trade with it, sleep, cook, eat and play in it. Eventually a man is even buried with a canoe.� (Wilbert 1976: 312) �My informants consistently assured me, the process is actually a matter of imitation and copying, not of teaching. Explained one expert canoe maker: �Nobody teaches a boy how to make a paddle or a canoe.� When asked why not, he replied, �Because he is a boy. Boys learn from watching.�� (Wilbert 1976: 318) �The canoe maker insists on having boys present when boats are being made. � Whereas adults may not engage in verbal instruction, they definitely require the presence of the learner when the opportunity for visual learning and instruction through demonstration presents itself.� (Wilbert 1976: 318) �The son of Winikina chief was only nine years old, yet he had to perform several minor tasks connected with canoe building. � The paternal teacher is most understanding. He takes the relative physical immaturity of the apprentice into consideration and is forgiving if the attention span of the child is not very long, owing to the many distractions offered by a jungle environment.� (Wilbert 1976: 319) �This tolerance is not shown toward an adolescent, though. At the age of fourteen a boy ceases to be a child. He can handle an axe and machete and now should participate more and more intensively in the actual production of a canoe. Otherwise he will be called lazy by his father and warned against growing up incapable of taking care of his future family.� (Wilbert 1976: 319) �They spend most of their time learning how to make hammocks and other tasks traditionally considered to be women�s work. A young girl is especially dangerous to the canoe maker since she may unwittingly step into the dugout during menstruation. That would offend the patroness of canoe makers and provoke her devastating wrath. Boys of fourteen, in contrast, make a decisive entrance into the world of canoe makers. One day the youngster will leave the settlement, axe in hand, to return with a piece of sangrito wood from which he carves his first paddle. When next the father goes into the forest to make a dugout, his son, now neburatu kabuka, will accompany him as assistant�Excavating the trunk is work permitted the apprentice only after several seasons of experience. He is placed between the two adults and may excavate only the deeper layers, not the top ones. The first opening and the alignment of the various square excavations is a delicate procedure and must be performed by an experienced craftsman.� (Wilbert 1976: 319) �This work can be executed in part by the young apprentice, as can the next step of scooping out a third layer of wood�The young apprentice cuts manaca palms to prepare a 2-m-wide corduroy road across the swamp from the work place to the river. He is joined in this task by the women and children, who come to help by first placing the poles and then pushing the hull out of the forest into the nearest river.� (Wilbert 1976: 322) �A seventeen-year-old neburatu has usually advanced far enough in his apprenticeship that he may go out alone or with a brother or friend and try his luck with his first canoe.� (Wilbert 1976: 322) �By the time a neburatu thinks of marriage he has participated as an apprentice in the work crew of his father for four seasons.� (Wilbert 1976: 322) �Many a neburatu prides himself on owning his own boat by the time he marries and on having mastered the rudiment of the technology involved in boat making. Of course, his would not yet pretend to be a full-fledged moyotu, �boat maker.� For that a man needs more practice and, above all, a dream vision to receive his call to office.� (Wilbert 1976: 322) Note the �strategic� instructions� �Again there in not much verbal instruction between father and son, but the father does correct the hand of his son and does teach him how to overcome the pain in his wrist from working with the adze.� (Wilbert 1976: 323) �After several seasons of helping his father with the more menial tasks that accompany this third stage of the production process (maintaining and directing the fire, scraping off the charred parts, and the like), the apprentice himself is eventually permitted to step into the boat and insert the cross-beams to spread the hull. The father still determines the right temperature of the water and he indicates how far up a particular cross-beam must be pulled to reach the maximum point of tolerance, but he remains on the ground and directs the operation from either end of the hull.� (Wilbert 1976: 324) �Groups occasionally from one-sex gangs and roam through the territory giving expression in various ways to adolescent Sturm und Drang. Whether such reactions are culturally conditioned or natural, adolescent make and female Warao do not make their parents happy.� (Wilbert 1976: 325) �To be accepted by the bride-to-be�s father is quite another. Crucial for the latter (Wilbert 1976: 326) decision is the bridegrooms�s ability to handle the tool of a man. Does he know how to prepare a garden, hunt, fish, build a house? Above all, does he know how to make a canoe? If he is accepted by his in-laws, the young man�s father �in-law may ask him to manufacture a dugout for him, �with the birth of the first child the adolescent�s Haburi-behavior terminates. He has successfully entered the world of adults.� (Wilbert 1976: 327) �A Warao embarked upon the career of master canoe maker engages in a learning process from which he emerges as a technician of the secular as well as the sacred aspects of his profession. He achieves the former during adolescence and early adulthood, but he commences a voluntary vision quest only as a mature individual.� (Wilbert 1976: 346) Chernela, Janet (2008) Translating ideologies: Tangible meaning and spatial politics in the Northwest Amazon of Brazil. In Miriam T. Start, Brenda J. Bowser, and Lee Horne (Eds.), Cultural Transmission and Material Culture: Breaking Down Boundaries. Pp. 130-149. Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. �Grater boards have a special place in community, history, and socio-political relations in the northwest Amazon for several reasons. First, the (Chernela 2008: 130) Baniwa are the sole producers of graters in a vast area that encompasses numerous Native American language groups. Second, the graters are a necessary item in the daily preparation of food. Third, the grater boards move through the region via exchange networks that follow marriage alliances.� (Chernela 2008: 131) �All males must learn to carve and design the boards since no specialized artisans perform the role for others. Boys must learn the craft of grater-board making from their fathers and must be ready to complete a board when they marry, because making the board is the first act of marriage�The act of teaching is itself a religious act, one that connects the son to his father, to the patriline, to the ancestor, and to the place in which creator I�apelikuli is depicted in stone. Moreover, it embodies that boy�s preparation for marriage, since hit is in that context that he will make a board and offer it to his wife. The learning process reproduces and transits several types of knowledge: historic and cosmological information contained in the elements of style; the domination of the father over the information.� (Chernela 2008: 145) de Laguna, Federica 1965. Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology. Melford Spiro, ed. Pp. 3-23. New York: Free Press. Children began to learn practical skills through games and also through imitating their elders. There seems to have been a great deal of individual variation in the amount of� instruction given. Thus one woman recalled, �I go with my mother all the time. She showed me how to weave baskets� I do one row; she does the next; I do the next. That�s why I learn so quick.� � Another woman, however, said, �As the only girl, I had to learn to do all kinds of things. My mother didn't want to teach me, but I watched and learned." This was the child who took her mother�s ulo without permission and cut her finger, because she was so anxious to learn how to slice seal fat. Another recalled how eager she was to learn how to cut fish for smoking and how she nearly wept over those she spoiled. (de Laguna 1965:14) Note another example of parents repulsing children who would treat them as teachers� Reichard, Gladys (1934) Spider Woman. A Story of Navaho Weavers and Chanters. New York: Macmillan. �During the time [Marie, a Navajo girl] spent at home she hovered as persistently as a goat about her mother's loom, sitting as near her mother as possible when she was weaving, now before the loom now behind it when her mother was away from it�ungraciously repulsed, Marie was, if possible, more fascinated by the looms and their equipment." (Reichard 1934: 38) �[Marie] filched small quantities of the undyed yarn she herself spun, giving her white and grey. Red and black she stole from her mother as she did her warp�carried the loom about...each time she brought the sheep home...she had to carry it with her...for it was not likely her mother would order her to herd in the same direction twice in succession.� (Reichard 1934: 41)# Marie becomes an expert weaver, working largely on her own. She �graciously� teaches the author how to weave� �Marie sits by my side watching carefully lest I make a mistake. We don't talk much, except about the points of weaving... Besides, Marie does not "tell" when teaching. She "shows." The Navaho word for "teach" means "show.� (Reichard 1934:21) Learning Medicine Reynolds, Pamela (1996) Traditional Healers and Childhood in Zimbabwe. Athens, OH: Ohio University Press. �Traditional healers in Zimbabwe�� (Reynolds 1996: 1) �Researchers find it difficult to discover how traditional healers acquire their knowledge because the Zezuru have no formal apprenticeship.� (Reynolds 1996: 1) �A healer may be selected by a spirit in childhood. Signs of calling in early childhood add authenticity to claims of healing ability.� (Reynolds 1996: 6) �Special ties are established between a child and the healer, often between grandparent and grandchild. As is customary, the child may have been sent by her parents to live with the grandparent. �Most children are taught to classify plants into three categories: Poisonous plants, edible plants, and plants that must not be tampered with because they belong to the shades. �from the age of nine. The healer instructs the child in the identification and naming of herbs. The child assists the healer in the preparation and administration of medicines. �At about the age of thirteen, the child begins to collect herbs and prepare medicines alone.� (Reynolds 1996: 7) �The next stage is one of actual possession. It culminates in a ritual (bira) that is held for the emerging healer at which qualified personas bring out the spirit and question her. The spirit must name herself and authenticate her position within the kinship system. The spirit makes demands for particular pieces of the paraphernalia of healing (cloth, dancing axes, skins) and identifies herself as one who grants healing powers. �Soon thereafter the healer begins to treat in his own right.� (Reynolds 1996: 8) �In this book, I shall refer to only one occasion during which children were instructed about material medica, namely an expedition to collect plants. My assistant and I accompanied an old healer into the veld. With her was her sixteen-year-old granddaughter (her first son�s child, her six-year-old granddaughter. �As we searched, we talked and the healer pointed out herbs. She gathered herbs to treat problems that included bewitchment (by a witch or an alien spirit), jealousy, madness, cleansing, the aftereffects of adultery.� (Reynolds 1996: 14) �The old woman told us a great deal. She even discussed with us witchcraft among her fellow villagers. The children listened throughout and watched closely as she gathered herbs. Sometimes she would ask the older girl to find a particular herb or test her knowledge of a particular plant. �On many occasions, one or two of the children or grandchildren of healers would sit for long periods listening to our discussions. The topics often included witchcraft and its existence among neighbors. No one chased the children away. Yet when I asked healers if they informed the children about aspects of their work, particularly the nature of the shades an evil, they invariable said, �No, such matters are not for the ears of children.�� (Reynolds 1996: 15) �Some n�anga feel that children dream of useless, meaningless things until the age of understanding. This they place at about age even. However, most n�anga hold that the dreams of children are meaningful, that they have power, and that attention ought to be paid to them. Some say that children�s dreams are more meaningful than adults� because �their hearts are pure.�� (Reynolds 1996: 35) �If the baby is not contented and well, adults should inspect their relationships and attend to their obligations. �If there is disharmony in the family, or if ritual obligations have not been fulfilled, or if kin have behaved immorally, then the child�s protective armor has weak spots and evil can enter in.� (Reynolds 1996: 77) �When n�anga look for children to assist them, they select children with good hearts (which includes estimates of their trustworthiness, moral fiber, and their ability to behave quietly and sensibly). After that, they select those who show interest. Interest, they say, is the prime ingredient for success in learning to heal. �Most n�anga adamantly claim that it is useless to teach a child unless he or she has already been selected by the spirit.� (Reynolds 1996: 98) �While the results confirm my hypothesis that children living with (Reynolds 1996: 103)healers learn more about plants for medicinal purposes, I was surprised at the rang of knowledge displayed by many of the children in both groups. I suggest that this finding supports another hypothesis, namely the knowledge of plants and their uses is widespread.� (Reynolds 1996: 105 and 104 is a table) No important differences between a child�s views and adults. �Thirty-six children who live in the Musami area were interviewed on their conceptions of healing, the roles of n�anga, and related cosmological issues.� (Reynolds 1996: 105) Firth, Raymond (1970) Education in Tikopia. In John Middleton (Ed.). From Child to Adult. Pp. 75-90. Garden City, NY: The Natural History Press. �Of specific instruction in technology I saw very little; the child is usually told how to carry out a process only when the article itself is required for practical purposes. I did see, however, a cross-piece of wood lashed together with a sinnet braid in a complex style, specially prepared. This was a model of the sumu, the lashing used to fasten the roof-tree of a house to the supporting posts. The prevalence of gales, rising at times to a hurricane, makes a secure lashing important, especially for the large ancestral temples. When I asked the maker, Pa Niukapu, what the model was he said it was for his son��that he may know how it is done.� The process needs knowledge and considerable skill, and few men are adepts, hence the unusual care.� (Firth 1970: 89) Edel, May M. (1957/1996) The Chiga of Uganda, 2nd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. �A girl will, for example, take up the art of weaving baskets when and as it pleases her to do so. Her mother or sister will�never say, �Make it tighter,� or �Set the awl higher.� At the most, they will not slow down the process or guide her hand. Should the beginner find the process discouraging and the trials unsatisfactory, she may abandon the whole effort, to renew it again at some later date, or perhaps to forget it altogether. As a result, many women cannot make pots�or cut skirts.� (Edel 1957/1996: 179) �When it comes to more specialized techniques, boys too vary in their interest, attention and skill, and so in their ultimate mastery.� (Edel 1957/1996: 180) Apprenticeship Jordan, Brenda G. (1998) Education in the Kano School in nineteenth-century Japan: Questions about the copybook method. In John Singleton (Ed.), Learning in Likely Places: Varieties of Apprenticeship in Japan. (pp. 45-67). New York, NY: Cambridge University Press. �Knowledge of Kan� styles of techniques was passed down from masters to pupils and disseminated widely, resulting in the school having a far-reaching and continual influence on Japanese painting throughout the Tokugawa period. �There is some evidence to indicate that one basic instructional methods of the Kan� school involved moving a student up in a prescribed series of steps on an educational ladder.� (Jordan 1998: 45) �Central to what we might call a core curriculum was the use of funponshugi (literally �doctrine of funpon�) or what we shall refer to here as the �copybook method. (Jordan 1998:45) The process involves laying a piece of paper over a painting to be copied and tracing the critical portions with a gofun, a pure white paint, using dotting (and similar techniques). The copier then set the tracing aside and, looking at the original, completes the copy of the work with ink. When a student had practiced a model many times, he would make a clean copy and take it to the master for his evaluation. After receiving the teacher�s permission, the student was then allowed to proceed to the next item in the lesson. In this way, the mohon (copybook) made up of teacher-approved copies was created and later bound up into a volume(s) or put together in a hand scroll for professional use.� (Jordan 1998: 46) �In order to receive training in a Kan� atelier, one had to gain entrance to a painting master�s studio. As revealed in the �Kobikicho Edokoro,� membership in the samurai class was the normal prerequisite for entrance to the school. � Pupils began their painting lessons around the age of seven or eight, but a formal entrance into the school took place, generally speaking, when they were fourteen or fifteen. The teacher was treated with a great deal of respect. He was referred to as tonosama (a term of address for a feudal lord) and had a relationship with his students not unlike that of daimyo to retainer.� (Jordan 1998: 49) �A Kan� student seems to have moved through a series of steps in his education. Initially, there were housekeeping or menial tasks that the (Jordan 1998: 49) student was expected to perform. Kyosai entered the school at age nine, with some previous training in painting, but for a long time he was employed much like a servant, working long hours and helping to provide the basic labor needed to keep the studio running. Very little time was left for painting. This period was a time of testing the student�s interest, sincerity, motivation, and patience. It was also a time for learning the art of unobtrusive observation.� (Jordan 1998: 50) �Unobtrusive observation is an important factor in the training of artists and craftsmen in Japan, in which the student must discover the method of knowing for himself. In apprenticeship situations, the first thing learned is to anticipate accurately the needs of both the master and the household. In painting, in addition to menial tasks, students also assisted in technical aspects of painting.� (Jordan 1998: 50) �The classrooms of the edokoro, which�consisted of the master�s private room and adjoining rooms. The master generally stayed in his private room�it was rare for him to come (Jordan 1998: 51) out to the adjacent rooms.� (Jordan 1998: 52) �Set rules for the deshi had been passed down for years, first orally and then written. Among these were not being able to leave the school without permission unless the student was on official business. If a student (Jordan 1998: 53) were by chance to stay overnight somewhere, he had to bring back a certificate showing where he had been and to notify one of the deshi gashira. Students also were not to engage in drinking bouts, arguments, or gossip. � Student life as presented by Gaho was a fairly strict and rigorous regime.� (Jordan 1998: 54) �The first systematic lessons corresponded to similar stages in other Japanese arts, where the assigned practice was (and is) regular repetition of a particular skill. Training in the Kobikicho school began by painting objects with simple shapes, such as melons or eggplant.� (Jordan 1998: 54) �In fact, it was often expected that the master would guard his �secrets� and the learner would �steal� them.� (Jordan 1998: 56) DeCoker, Gary (1998) Seven characteristics of a traditional Japanese approach to learning. In John Singleton (Ed.), Learning in Likely Places: Varieties of Apprenticeship in Japan. (pp. 68-84). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. �The Seven Characteristics Copying the model�Mastery of the model is of foremost importance. Unique interpretations are discouraged. Creativity is allowed only after years of study. Discipline�Teachers often stress the need for severity in teaching. Enduring hardship, both physical and psychological, is thought to promote personal growth. Above all else, students are encouraged to endure. Master�discipline relations�The roles of teacher and the student are clearly defined. An image of the ideal practitioner of the art exists and is held up as a model. Secrets, stages, and the hierarchy of study�Teachers impart the skills or techniques of the art in hierarchical stages marked by the granting of certificates, titles, and ranks. Progress in the study of the art takes place by increasing the repertoire of movements or patterns. In many of the arts, �advanced� skills are often no more complex than those taught to beginners. Established lineages�Schools or franchises exist for most of the arts. They often gain legitimacy for their teachings by tracing their lineage to the founder of the art. Nonverbal communication�Teachers rely on nonverbal communication by having students imitate a model provided and explained by the teacher. Oral communication often is in the form of metaphors or parables. (DeCoker 1998: 69) Art as a spiritual quest�The study of the art is a gateway or a means to a higher spiritual plane. The ultimate goal is not master of the art, but mastery of the self.� (DeCoker 1998: 70) Gies, Frances and Gies, Joseph (1987) Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages. New York: Harper and Row. �A city boy might be boarded out as an apprentice to the master of a craft, his parents paying for his maintenance. Most guilds did not allow boys to be apprenticed to their own fathers, so apprenticeship normally meant leaving home at an early age.� (Gies and Gies 1987: 209) �Apprentices were liable to corporal punishment, with the master�s chastisement set out in the agreement �as if it was a duty rather than a right.�� (Gies and Gies 1987: 210) Steidl, Annemarie (2007) Silk Weaver and Purse Maker Apprentices in Eighteenth- and Nineteenth-Century Vienna. In Bert De Munck, Steven L. Kaplan, and Hugo Soly (Eds.), Learning on the Shop Floor: Historical Perspectives on Apprenticeship. Pp. 133-157. New York, NY: Berghahn Books. �The most important reason for complaints was physical punishment. However, public authorities admonished the guilds not to maltreat their subordinates. In 1775 the mayor and other council of Vienna sent a letter to all crafts and trades� organizations in which they complained about the ill-treatment of apprentices by their masters. Another public admonition in 1845 argued again against masters who maltreated their subordinates.� (Steidl 2007: 148) Mitterauer, Michael and Sieder, Reinhard (1997) The European Family: Patriarchy to Partnership from the Middle Ages to the Present. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Contrary to common opinion, few craft enterprises were handed down from the master to one of his sons. � Artisan enterprises were handed down from father to son only among those crafts for which technical equipment (like a scythe smith�s tools) was needed or which were associat4ed with certain topographical conditions (milling). In Austria it was not until the nineteenth century that there was an identifiable trend towards the patrilineal inheritance of craft enterprises.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 103) �The craft guilds of the Middle Ages regulated conditions of work. � But in doing so, at any rate in the Middle Ages, they crippled individual initiative and rejected innovation as unfair competition.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 104) �Girls and women were excluded from learning and practicing most of the independent trades.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 104) ��the signing of a contract between the parents of the trainee, or the person who stood surety for him, (Mitterauer 1997: 104) and his future master. This agreement provided for the necessary clothing, for the period of training and for the apprenticeship premium which had to be paid. � From the moment that the trainee was admitted to the guild, he belonged to his master�s household and had to submit unconditionally to its discipline. The master stood in loco parentis to the young pupil, who was not allowed to go out without his master�s permission, to leave the house at night, to �gamble drink, or behave in an unseemly fashion�, � (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 105) �The integration of apprentices and journeymen into the families of their masters should not allow us to gloss over the fact that these were labour conditions involving absolute dependence and exploitation, and not familial relationships in the modern sense.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 105) �Whereas during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries the master craftsmen had rarely had more than three apprentices and journeymen, during the nineteenth century there was a marked increase in the number of apprentices and journeymen present in the households of the masters. In 1857 we find, for example, in the census of the Austrian town of Stein, a master shoemaker with no fewer than eight journeymen in his household. At the same time, in the Vienna suburb of Schottenfeld, there was a turner with only one journeyman, but with 11 apprentices between the ages of 12 and 17 years. This example of Lehrlingsz�chterei (hoarding of apprentices) highlights the economic significance of the young as a cheap labour force that enabled the crafts to meet the increasing pressure of industrial competition. The first wave of industrialization was characterized, on the whole, by a very rapid increase in the number of unskilled labourers among them many children and adolescents.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 107) �The only way in which many small businesses could counter the growing pressure of manufacturing industry was to exploit the cheap labour provided by apprentices.� (Mitterauer and Sieder 1997: 107) De Munck, Bert, and Soly, Hugo (2007) �Learning on the Shop Floor� In Historical Perspective. In Bert De Munck, Steven L. Kaplan, and Hugo Soly (Eds.), Learning on the Shop Floor: Historical Perspectives on Apprenticeship. Pp. 3-32. New York, NY: Berghahn Books. �In the eighteenth century, drawing�painting and sculpture academies became commonplace.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 7) �Boys and girls at some orphanages were taught technical skills in addition to reading and the basics of writing. Some boys� orphanages even had several specialized workshops, each run by a skilled craftsman.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 7) �By 1870 Antwerp had no fewer than 149 private schools run by lay people and a dozen religious institutions where children learned to make lace from the age of six or seven. In lieu of paying tuition, their parents or guardians agreed to have their daughters work for the mistress for a number of years without pay.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 8) �Quantitative data indicate that a great many apprentices failed to complete their contract. Between 1540 and 1590 nearly 45 percent of the apprentices in the London cabinetmakers� guild were in fact listed as �gone� or �run away.�� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 9) �In most cases, apprentices left because of ill treatment, which might consist of physical abuse, or because their master was unwilling to assign them anything other than demeaning tasks (which meant that they were taught nothing).� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 9) �Children from humble or poor homes tended to be apprenticed for longer periods than those whose parents or guardians were more comfortable financially.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 14) �Based on autobiographical writings of Belgian and German master artisans from the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, Sven Steffens has hypothesized that neither masters nor journeymen were inclined to make an effort to train apprentices, preferring to use them as general helpers. Apprentices with a strong desire to learn (i.e. to master skills) had to �steal with their eyes.�� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 14) �The view that apprentices had to steal with their eyes corresponds with the longstanding interest in the �mysteries� or �secrets� of the trade. �Detailed information about the actual learning process is very difficult to obtain.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 15) �Apprentices complained not only of physical abuse and neglect, but also about the training provided. � Some apprentices were involved only n preparatory procedures or learned only part of the production processes. At small workshop, in addition to being subject to the direct and generally strict authority of their master, apprentices became involved in conflicts over performing household chores, degrading them to mere servants who did not learn at all.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 22) �During the pre-industrial period and in the nineteenth century nearly all guild-based apprentices in Europe were male.� (De Munck and Soly 2007: 23) Kaplan, Steven (2007) Reconsidering Apprenticeship: Afterthoughts. In Bert De Munck, Steven L. Kaplan, and Hugo Soly (Eds.), Learning on the Shop Floor: Historical Perspectives on Apprenticeship. Pp. 203-218. New York, NY: Berghahn Books. �A baker apprenticed in Normandy at fourteen years of age, desperate to escape the cold and hunger of this rural home in the late 1920s, assiduously toiled to please his master. The latter expressed surprise one day when he noticed his disciple signing the raw bread-form [p�ton]�deploying a razor-like instrument to cut incisions into the surface�with his left hand. Queried as to his method, the unnerved youth blurted apologetically �I always do as you do�. �Yes�, acknowledged his master, �but I am left-handed and you are right-handed!� � In fact, we know very little about the techniques of teaching/ learning that characterized apprenticeship.� (Kaplan 2007: 205) �In still other situations the master farmed out the task of teaching to journeyman of extremely variable pedagogical disposition.� (Kaplan 2007: 206) �Questioning the primacy accorded to education in the apprenticeship process�earning matters more than learning.� (Kaplan 2007: 207) Barron, Caroline M. (2007) The Child in Medieval London: The Legal Evidence. In Joel T. Rosenthal (Ed.). Essays on Medieval Childhood: Responses to Recent Debate. Pp. 40-53. Donington, UK: Shaun Tyas. Apprentices aged between 19-21. ��the minimum �quality� of potential apprentices, namely that they should not be the children or villeins or serfs.� (Barron 2007: 49) �They are quite clearly not adults and their period of �adolescence� is extended from twelve years, on occasion, to twenty-four and, sometimes, even longer. Throughout this time, the youth was expected to remain not only celibate, but chaste, and to be under the complete control of his master and denied access to taverns or to dicing.� (Barron 2007: 50) �The master did not apparently own his apprentice as a chattel, although he did own the term of apprenticeship. The master could make over the unfulfilled part of his apprentice�s term to someone else.� (Barron 2007: 50) �It is likely that conditions for apprentices would be harsh.� (Barron 2007: 51) �Apprenticeship indentures allowed the master or mistress to chastise the apprentice when necessary, and a certain amount of beating seems to have been a regular part of children�s upbringing.� (Barron 2007: 51) Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �Apprenticeships were not to be granted unless the parents brought a bill, signed by two justices of the peace, testifying to the value of their property�Apprenticeships, however, tended to be an institution for young people of some status and money�The period of service involved was a long one, usually of seven years or more, and many employers demanded a payment before it began�It became common to define the terms of an apprenticeship in a written indenture�He promised to learn in a humble manner�He was not to absent himself unlawfully from his master�s service�He agreed not to patronize taverns or whores, engage in dice-playing or games at his master�s expense, commit fornication or adultery with any women of John�s household, or marry without his master�s agreement. He pledged himself to obey all the lawful and reasonable orders that his master gave him, and undertook, if he broke any of the terms of the indenture, to make appropriate amends or to double the term of his apprenticeship.� (Orme 2003: 312)�Many London apprentices, it was said, joined in the Peasants� Revolt: a general uprising against authority, resulting in looting, paying off personal scores, and the murder of aliens� (Orme 2003: 321).� �Some insight into how such a boy or youth might be trained comes from the French hunting treatise La Chase by Gaston count of Foix, which was translated into English as The Master of Game by Edward Duke of York early in the fifteenth century. A lord�s huntsman is advised to choose a boy servant as young as seven or eight: one who was physically active and keen sighted. This boy should be beaten until he had a proper dread of failing to carry out his master�s orders. He was to sleep in a loft above the one-storey building where the hounds were kept, to intervene in case they fought at night. He was to learn all their names and colors, so as to recognize them, and to carry out menial tasks. These included cleaning the hounds kennel each day. Replacing the straw on which they lay, and giving them a fresh supply of water. He was to lead them out to take exercise and relieve themselves every morning and evening, comb them, and wipe them down with wisps of straw. In addition, he was to learn to spin horse-hair to make couples or leads for the hounds, to speak carefully, and to use the technical terms of hunting, so loved by its devotees. As time passed, such experience would turn a boy into a skilled practitioner.� (Orme 2003: 315) Bledsoe, Caroline H. and Robey, Kenneth M. (1986) Arabic literacy and secrecy among the Mende of Sierra Leone. Man, New Series, 21 (2): 202-226. �Two kinds of specialists, morimen and karamokos, use powers explicitly derived from their knowledge of Arabic writing to earn income, gain prestige, and recruit apprentice learners. Morimen are specialists who use their mastery of Arabic texts that are believed to have ritual efficacy to help clients in a (Bledsoe 1986: 209) multitude of traditional or modern concerns: to pursue love affairs, cure barrenness, divine the future�� (Bledsoe 1986: 210) �A moriman uses his command over Arabic writing, which is widely regarded as the literal word of God, to obtain God�s assistance. A moriman evokes a verse�s power by writing it on paper, rolling it and tying it with string or putting it in an amulet pouch�In order to keep their knowledge and skills secret, karamokos are said to avoid teaching during midday hours, and morimen work their most powerful magic at night in dim candlelight and prefer black ink for writing charms and making nesi, which appears as a black liquid.� (Bledsoe 1986: 210) �...simply writing or reciting the appropriate words or even understanding their meaning or�indeed�their deepest ritual powers is not sufficient for most mori magic to work. The moriman must know in addition the specific prayers and/or sacrifices that are associated with the particular verses and the uses to which they will be put.� (Bledsoe 1986: 210) #�A moriman who learns the necessary magical texts and has acquired the appropriate blessing from his own teachers and assistance from a janai can gain considerable wealth an power�Some Morimen become full-time magical specialists and well-paid advisors to chiefs and high officials in national government.� (Bledsoe 1986: 211) #�Among the most important ways of benefiting from Arabic literacy is to teach it. In traditional Arabic education, a karamoko teaches �Arabic learners� (mori gaa lopoisia), usually as young children from the ages of five and up, in exchange for their labor and for gifts (saa-�sacrifices�, from the Arabic sadaqah��voluntary offering�) from their parents or sponsors at various stages in the learning progress. Parents of the students may also give girls to the karamokos (as do many clients of a successful moriman), with the understanding that they become his wives eventually. In many cases the students live in the karamoko�s household and work on his farm under strict discipline for many years, making it advantageous for the karamoko to draw out the learning process as long as possible. A poorly behaved, disrespectful students cannot hope to gain the more important knowledge held by the karamoko, although gifts from parents or sponsors can strongly influence him. As with mori magic, the idea of �blessings� reinforces the karamoko�s monopoly. Without blessing one cannot succeed. Consequently, the karamoko only bestows blessing upon respectful, obedient and hardworking students who have demonstrated their merit over many years. Arabic learners �buy blessing� not simply for good scholarship but more particularly for working on the karamoko�s farm and enduring severe discipline. They generally work longer hours at domestic chores or in the fields than they spend studying Arabic. Instruction takes place in the early morning and late afternoon or evening; the middle of the day is for the learners� daily tasks. Even the youngest students must perform house chores, deliver messages or scare birds away from crops. The students are often fed so poorly that the must beg for food. Many people admire the children for what they are doing and feed them readily, but others look down on them, for they are usually poorly clothed, ragged and dirty. The learners also endure severe and frequent beatings for alleged intransigence or failure to learn�Suffering and hardship are not simply unavoidable accompaniments of learning. Gbale (�hurting, suffering�) is seen as essential to gain the knowledge one seeks.� (Bledsoe 1986: 212) #�If one is too comfortable and well fed, one will be lazy and will not be motivated to learn.� (Bledsoe 1986: 213) #�Arabic learners learn mainly by rote memorization. They start with the alphabet and then memories portions of the Qur�an. The karamoko or an advanced student recites a verse, and the learners practice until they can repeat the lines perfectly on their own. Then they go on to the next verse. They learn writing by repeated copying on wooden slates (walas), imitating what the teacher writes. Many karamokos forbid students to see the actual Qur�an or to write on paper until they have first memorized several surahs (sections of the Qur�an). Hiding the Qur�an from beginning students (and often from non-Muslims) is paralleled by efforts to hide its meaning� Understanding the meaning of the words, then, is another skill that is carved into highly discrete spheres of achievement. Initially the karamoko only teaches the pronunciation and graphic representation of Arabic words, withholding their meaning from the students until they have memorized the entire Qur�an.� (Bledsoe 1986: 213) #�The ritual magical potentials of certain passages of the Qur�an comprises an entirely different realm of knowledge. Students must learn new meanings of the same texts whose literal meaning they may have learned before. Despite allusions in the text to its possible ritual uses, full knowledge of these uses depends on how specialists have construed the verses� meanings and powers. The whole process may take years, and many learners drop out, having gained only enough knowledge to participate in prayers in the local mosque.� (Bledsoe 1986: 213) #�Only the most advanced and trusted students learn what are allegedly the important secret meanings behind the most sacred Qur�anic verses and other texts (Hadith, Kitaba, etc.) Eventually a few may earn the privilege of copying the karamoko�s most secret and powerful texts that he received from his own teacher. He tells the student, �If you behave properly, I will give you this book to copy so you can do many things.� This knowledge helps the obedient student to establish himself eventually, if he desires, as a moriman or karamoko.� (Bledsoe 1986: 214) #�When a child first goes for instruction, the karamoko writes a Qur�anic passage on the learner�s hand with black ink (lubei). He then puts salt on the hand and the learner licks it all off, swearing obedience to his new master. A karamoko may also �swear� students upon a specific verse in an open Qur�an not to seduce his wives or to leave before he is satisfied with their performance. So although students who are practicing writing sometimes make a ritual potion with the written words and wash their faces with it for better understanding and to gain �cleverness,� they must exercise caution; the karamoko warns the that if they try to employ texts for mori magic without his permission, this will turn against them and make them go crazy.� (Bledsoe 1986: 214) #�Although a karamoko gains blessings from God for teaching others, he gains more practical benefits from having students�In the past, tutelage under a karamoko was connected explicitly to slavery.� (Bledsoe 1986: 215) #�Even today in Sierra Leone, many people compare the karamoko�s treatment of Arabic students to slavery, and explicitly link slavery to the strategic control of meaning and literacy. One karamoko explained: Alphas [karamokos] who know [the meaning of the texts] but don�t� teach with meaning�don�t want to teach the children quickly so that they will learn and understand quickly. If they do teach the meaning, they [the students] will leave their karamokos without working for them for many years. The karamokos feel the Arabic learners are their slaves, so if they should teach them with meaning and dispatch them, they will no longer have people to perform their domestic work." (Bledsoe and Robey 1986: 216) #�The alleged need for students to suffer and �buy blessings� increases the karamoko�s profit from judiciously revealing privileged knowledge. In effect, the longer he can delay giving up secrets, the more he benefits. Although he does impart some important secrets, he may withhold completely what he regards as his most powerful ones to maintain a competitive advantage over former students. Students can never be certain what knowledge is being withheld or how much is left to gain. With very famous karamokos, older students my even marry (assisted by their karamoko) and build independent household nearby, but many continue working part-time for their master in hopes of obtaining his most valuable secrets.� (Bledsoe and Robey 1986: 216) #�the literate few use their knowledge as a resource to control the labor and loyalty of the less literate. This practice of converting �wealth into knowledge� into �wealth in people� is sometimes specifically compared by the Mende to patterns in the Poro and Sande societies, wherein elders manage monopolies of knowledge that is cast as secret and dangerous to control the labor of youths and gain payments from parents during initiations.� (Bledsoe and Robey 1986: 217) Rawson, Beryl (2003) Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. �Ulpian provides this discussion: If a master wounds or kills a slave while training him, would he be liable under the lex Aquilia for criminal injury?...A shoemaker has a pupil who is a freeborn boy, under his father�s authority (�ingenuo filio familias�), who is not following instructions satisfactorily, and he strikes at his neck with a shoe-last, knocking out the boy�s eye. So Iulianus says that there is no valid action for injury because the shoe-maker struck the boy not with the purpose of causing him injury, but with the purpose of reminding and teaching him.� (Rawson 2003: 194) Gosselain, Olivier P. (2008) Mother Bella was not a Bella: Inherited and transformed traditions in Southwestern Niger. In Miriam T. Start, Brenda J. Bowser, and Lee Horne (Eds.), Cultural Transmission and Material Culture: Breaking Down Boundaries. Pp. 150-177. Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. �When looking at these studies�once again, mine included�one gets the feeling that parent-to-offspring accounts of transmission could be partially fictional, a research artifact due perhaps to an over-reliance on interviews during fieldwork, some preconceptions about craft learning in informal contexts, and the emphasis put by the artisans themselves on �tradition� and �heritage,� especially when confronted by foreigners.� (Gosselain 2008: 153) �When asked about the identity of pottery producers in southwestern Niger, most individuals answer that �pottery is the work of Bella women��� (Gosselain 2008: 156) Learn from kin� �In southwestern Niger, as in most other parts of sub-Saharan Africa, learning is not a particularly visible process. One is seldom confronted with situations where knowledge is explicitly transmitted from a teacher to an apprentice. When asked about the origin of their skill, however, most potters explain that they learned it from a single person, in a particular place, and at a particular time�This �single person� is reported to be the biological mother in about one-half of the cases.� (Gosselain 2008: 158) �The majority of the potters interviewed learned the craft at the age of six to twelve, in the village where they were born or raised.� (Gosselain 2008: 158) �Some interesting elements must be highlighted about this participatory story. First, most people do not view it as actual learning, even though it provides them with most of their skill. They simple �give help,� without aiming to acquire or master specific knowledge. Second, the tasks are usually undertaken communally�Third, there is no particular order in what apprentices learn, and no necessary coincidence with the actual ordering of pottery cha�ne op�ratoire.� (Gosselain 2008: 160) �People consider to be the actual learning phase: mastering the shaping technique. Up to then, the apprentice assists in several operations and has a playful relationship with shaping but does not really try to make vessels. If the apprentice is sufficiently �motivated� and �gifted� (two notions that crop up constantly [Gosselain 2008: 160] in interviews), the teacher redirects the game toward the acquisition of expertise and adopts a more active role with her pupil. There is clearly a shift in status at this stage, which some Bella, Songhay, and Zarma teachers signify by giving the apprentice a miniature model of a terra-cotta pestle used for pounding clay. To help the apprentice overcome her difficulties, the teacher now works alongside the apprentice, correcting her errors and movements and, quite often, holding the apprentice�s hands s that the later can physically sense the correct movements and hand positions.� (Gosselain 2008: 161) Wallaert, H�l�ne (2008) The way of the potter�s mother: Apprenticeship strategies among Dii potters from Cameroon, West Africa. In Miriam T. Start, Brenda J. Bowser, and Lee Horne (Eds.), Cultural Transmission and Material Culture: Breaking Down Boundaries. Pp. 178-198. Tucson, AZ: The University of Arizona Press. �Among the thirty-six potters who were interviewed, only four were apprentices. A significant diminution of the number of apprentice has been observed over the past twenty years. Indeed, pottery is losing its exclusivity for utilitarian vessels, and according to potters� statements, not enough income is being made for it to be worth maintaining. Consequently, most Dii girls born into the potter �caste� do not grow up to become potters.� (Wallaert 2008: 187) �[Historically, to]�have an ungifted apprentice or potter in the family is a disgrace, and every potter is required to reach a certain level of expertise in order not to depart from the rest of the potter families.� (Wallaert 2008: 187) �Among the Dii, apprenticeship starts during childhood, around the age of seven, and lasts between five and eight years, with an average of four hours of training per day during the dry season and tow hours per day during the rest of the year. The length of apprenticeship corresponds to the physical, psychological, and social maturation of the child. As long as apprentices work with their mothers, they will not benefit from any sales they make. The mothers will collect all income and return it to their husbands, whoa re the official redistributors of wealth. This practice prevents an apprentice from ever becoming a technical or economic (Wallaert 2008: 187) competitor to her mother, who holds the sole pottery-making authority within the household.� (Wallaert 2008: 188) �Stage One lasts two years. The young girl, usually a seven-yare-old, helps by fetching clay, water, or wood. According to mothers� statements, during this period the child is learning the value of work and building the motivation necessary to assume such physically tiring activity�No formal instruction during this stage. She instead learns though observation and is allowed to play with pieces of clay only to sense the texture of the raw material.� (Wallaert 2008: 188) �The child is discouraged from asking any questions, and verbal communication does not serve as an incentive to learning. State Two begins around age nine and lasts for approximately one year. The apprentice is now discharged from some domestic duties to focus on pottery making. She is asked to shape miniature models with no decoration. Some are fired and sold or given to family, friends, or other children, while others are just thrown away before firing. Here again, the mother does not welcome questions. The child usually sits next to her (Wallaert 2008: 188) mother and watches her work. The mother does not seem to pay any attention to what the apprentice is doing as long as she seems to work on her projects. The mother will intervene only to redirect the attention of the child and make comments like �Pay attention to what you do,� �don�t be so lazy,� �Don�t waste the clay,� �Watch what I do.� So, what is really involved here is a reconstructive observation-imitation process as the child makes miniatures by interpreting the method used by her mother to make full-sized pots. The process illustrates the ability of the child to integrate the shaping pattern and to adapt it on another scale to her own work. It also implies the use of a trial-and-error technique, because the child has to figure out by herself how to interpret the model correctly.� (Wallaert 2008: 190) �Stage Three begins at age ten, when apprentices shape small cooking pots rather than miniatures, usually with little decoration. They make partial rather than full designs�The apprentice still works from clay kneaded by her mother, who declares that it prevents wasting precious material�Initiative and trial and error are now forbidden; every gesture must follow the mother�s patter. Corporal punishments (spanking, forced eating of clay) are used to ensure that rules are respected, and verbal humiliations (Wallaert 2008: 190) are very common. Mothers interpret mistakes in technical form as proof of social disorder and defects in morality, and as a challenge to their authority. Good behavior is rarely noticed, but errors are always pointed out in pubic. This treatment puts a lot of pressure on the apprentices, who tend to be quite nervous when working in their mothers� company.� (Wallaert 2008: 191) �We asked each apprentice to shape a series of five rather standard, plain cooking pots, and we recorded the time needed to do so. When the apprentices did this task alone, they managed to handle it in about the same time as their mothers, but when they were asked to perform the same task in front of their mothers and a few other potters from the same village, the time necessarily for the shaping drastically increased.� (Wallaert 2008: 191) �Motivation built on social comparison would be associated with closed abilities and a strict reproduction of patterns, while that built on mastery goals would tend to produce more individualistic practices and a greater openness to innovation. To get a clearer view of the mother�s impact on her apprentice�s work, we asked apprentices to shape a bottle, a model they had not yet learned to make. All apprentices refused to attempt this task, because they were not sure they could succeed. They seemed to refuse new challenges they had not been trained for.� (Wallaert 2008: 191) �Stage Four begins on average when the apprentice reaches age fourteen. During the following year, she makes a greater variety of models, she works form clay she prepares herself, she handles the whole shaping process and takes care of the pre- and postfiring treatments on her own, and she learns to shape the collar of a bottle. This stage is considered to be the most difficult to accomplish. The apprentice is now capable of describing every stage of the making process, but she still does not handle the firing by herself. The apprenticeship, at this stage, continues to be focused primarily on observation and imitation and shows very little use of language as an educative incentive. The mother intervenes only to correct major mistakes.� (Wallaert 2008: 191) �Stage Five takes place when the child reaches age fifteen and lasts for only a few weeks. The apprentice learns to handle a firing on her (Wallaert 2008: 191) own, although she may still need the advice and assistance of fellow potters for many years to come. The end of apprenticeship is marked by a celebration that implies that the apprentice is capable of making every type of vessel; she must be engaged to a future husband and must have gone through initiation. All the potters of the village and their families are invited to witness the debut of the new potter. During the ceremony, the apprentice receives a set of tools from her mother and is fed by her like a small child. The father confirms the status of the newborn potter by spitting beer on her face, as he does on the newly circumcised boys or on the ancestors� altar. This particular moment, when the parents praise the young potter, seems to be the only one that promotes positive feedback. AS some potters say, she learned through pain and difficulties to cherish the value of her tie with elder fellow potters.� (Wallaert 2008: 192) Silva, Fab�ola A. (2008) Ceramic Technology of the Asurini do Xingu, Brazil: An Ethnoarchaeological Study of Artifact Variability. Journal Archaeological Method and Theory 15: 217�265 �Research on ceramic technology�among the Asurini do Xingu, an Amazonian indigenous population inhabiting a village in the margins of the Xingu River, Par�, Brazil.� The learning process of pottery making starts early in life, and, in my different visits to the village through the years, I witnessed girls and less skilled young women being trained by the older women. Learning the process of forming the vessel body is one of the hardest stages, and the novice has to produce many vessel miniatures, performing all stages of vessel production, including firing and painting. It is difficult for the young potters to master the stern rules associated with the Asurini forms. It is easy to identify pots made by inexperienced potters�the vessel body is often poorly made or the smoothing of the surface is too rough, the rim is very frequently irregular and the resin was not well applied, leading to small mistakes and rough patches.� (Silva 2008: 235) �The teaching�learning structure of knowledge on ceramic production is characterized by observation, by the young potters, of the work done by the more skillful potters. Beginning when the girls are very young, they are given practical instruction in the production of the vessels, which include how to work with all the raw materials and instruments related to this activity. Furthermore, they are encouraged to produce miniatures of the traditional ceramic vessels.� (Silva 2008: 247) �From what I could observe, the learning process happens through visualization and manipulation of the material. The miniature seems to be the most common didactic tool, and teaching with miniatures is also used with other crafts, such as making sleeping hammocks. As with other ceramist populations, the teaching of vessel production is extremely controlled, and it requires constant verbalization and demonstration from the instructors relating to the techniques, as well as on the results to be reached in each one of the productive stages.� (Silva 2008: 235) �In addition, it is also necessary for them to know how to select and process the raw material and how to manufacture their own working instruments. One stage of production that requires experience, for example, is the moistening of the clay to make it workable. If the clay gets too moist, the coils will stick in their hands, production will be much more difficult and irregularities will be found in the vessel�s form.� (Silva 2008: 235) �In conclusion, the ceramic learning process is long and complex, and, for this reason, it is mostly the older women who master this knowledge. Child rearing gets in the way of the learning process, therefore women are taught the craft very early, before they become mothers. Skill in this activity is reached only with the passing of years, and it is usually the older women, around 50 years of age or more, who are considered the best potters in the village.� (Silva 2008: 236) �These technological rules, however, do not prevent the women from exercising their individual creativity when producing their vessels. All of them said that they could recognize their own vessels from those of the other potters. According to them, the recognizable traces are found on the rims, base and body. This recognition relies on very subtle categories that, many times, are difficult for the potters to verbalize. I could never identify these differences, and even the potters themselves often found it difficult. This is the reason why it is common for them to carefully store their vessels separately, inside their houses or attached structures, so that they would not get mixed up with vessels made by other women of the same domestic group.� (Silva 2008: 238) As has been observed in other ethnographic contexts, the more control the instructor has over the novice during the process of learning and creation of a material item, the more similar the objects they produce will look (Pryor and Carr 1995: p. 280; Roe 1995: p. 51). Thus, among the Asurini, where there is a high level of control in the ceramic learning process, one can in fact observe similarity not only in the objects but also in the procedures used to produce them. The teaching and learning process is so tightly controlled that the Asurini pots are unmistakably different from those of other cultural groups.� (Silva 2008: 247)Pryor, J., & Carr, C. (1995) Basketry of Northern California Indians. In Christopher Carr, and Jill E. Neitzel (Eds.), Style, Society and Person: Archaeological and Ethnological Perspectives. Pp. 259�296. New York: Plenum Press.Roe, P. G. (1995). Style, society, myth, and structure. In Christopher Carr, & Jill Neitzel (Eds.), Style, Society and Person: Archaeological and Ethnological Perspectives. (pp. 27�76). New York: Plenum Press. �Nowadays, the Asurini women have abandoned the traditional usage of most of the ceramic vessels previously used to serve food and store and transport liquids. These have been replaced by several types of industrialized objects such as aluminum pans, plastic jars, plates, cups, bowls and Thermos bottles. Thus, their production has become restricted to vessels to sell to tourists outside the village.� (Silva 2008: 241) Friedl, Erika (1997) Children of Deh Koh: Young Life in an Iranian Village. Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press. �None of the women weavers of nomadic-style tribal rugs and flat weaves used locally has young apprentices; their skills and products are considered old-fashioned.� (Friedl 1997: 4) In the book, I note how many anthropologists fairly quickly acquire proficiency in native crafts after a short apprenticeship. Here is the other side of the coin: Mead, Margaret (1964) Continuities in Cultural Evolution. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press. ��the New Guinea native who asks the European to �teach� him to make paper or glass. The European has great difficulty in explaining that although he uses paper and glass�although he in fact claims possession of the higher technological culture in which people know how to make paper or glass�he himself is totally unable to carry out and so to teach the process.� (Mead 1964: 51) Becoming a Navigator Milk Debt Michaud, Francine (2007) From Apprentice to Wage-Earner: Child Labour before and after the Black Death. In Joel T. Rosenthal (Ed.). Essays on Medieval Childhood: Responses to Recent Debate. Pp. 73-90. Donington Lincolnshire, UK: Shaun Tyas. Documents drastic shift in Marseilles from before and after the plague (1348). After the plague much younger children are employed than before. Also, children�s wages were lower. Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �In 1536, an act �for the punishment of sturdy vagabonds and beggars� made local authorities, in towns and parishes, responsible for gathering alms to finance the relief and support of the poor. They were empowered to take control of children aged between five and fourteen who were living �in begging or idleness�, as long as they were not suffering from some major disease or sickness. The children were to be handed over to substantial farmers or master craftsmen to learn to work, �by the which they may get their livings when they shall come of age�. A set of clothes was to be given them when they entered service. Any young person aged between twelve and sixteen who refused such work, or left it, might be arrested, whipped with rods in public, and sent back to service, as often as was needed.� (Orme 2003: 91) Ochs, Elinor (2009) Responsibility in Childhood: Three Developmental Trajectories. Ethos, 37(4): 391-413. �The Matsigenka constantly recount folktales in which animals, plants, and other agents punish Matsigenka people for being lazy, stingy, and angry.� (Ochs 2009: 395) �Those who are disobedient or lazy are punished by being bathed in hot water or rubbed with an itchy inducing plant. Family and community members use various strategies to ensure children�s contributions and participation in household tasks including public shaming. Additionally folk stories, involving peranti (lazy) characters who suffer dire consequences for their behavior, are told purposely (Ochs 2009: 395) to indicate disapproval and instill a sense of fear and shame in children who require reminders of the tenants of Matsigenka collaboration.� (Ochs 2009: 396) �Parents did not get involved in homework activities. Adults and children alike regarded children of non-Matsigenka Peruvian teachers as lazy, incompetent, and too talkative. The sons of the mestizo teachers, they reported, noisily interrupt [their parents] with �Esc�chame!� (Listen to me!), demand food, but do not help in any way.� (Ochs 2009: 296) Keller, Heidi (2007) Cultures of Infancy. Mahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. �Indian Hindu children are also considered gifts from God�The fusion between mother and infant is central and starts, according to the Vedas, during the prenatal period where the fetus is considered to be chetan�conscious of having a soul�The mutual relationship is strengthened by matri-rina, or indebtedness toward the mother. This implies a lifelong relationship with the mother that includes the duties to protect and nurture the mother.� (Keller 2007: 110) Leavitt, Stephen C. (1998) The Bikhet mystique: masculine identity and patterns of rebellion among Bumbita adolescent males. In Gilbert Herdt and Stephen C. Leavitt (Eds.), Adolescece in Pacific Island Societies. Pp. 173-194. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. ��that children, in eating food that parents have grown and given them, literally sap the parents of their strength. When Aminguh talks of aging fast after having children, he is speaking in literal terms.� (Leavitt 1998: 193) Little Buckaroos Poverty and Children�s Labor November 20, 2009 A Joint Statement by the Asian Human Rights Commission and the Impulse NGO Network Asian Human Rights Commission 19/F, Go-Up Commercial Building, 998 Canton Road, Kowloon, Hongkong S.A.R. An estimated 70,000 children from Nepal and Bangladesh work as bonded labourers in coal mines in Jaintia Hills of Meghalaya state in India. Mine shafts, as shown in one news video, are nothing but crude holes, narrow in diameter, dug into the hills, hence they�re called �rat mines.� Every day, truck loads of coal cross the Indian border to Bangladesh. The vehicles return with children, who are lured into the mining industry with the promise of better wages and living conditions. In most cases the children are purchased by middlemen or abducted and sold by gangs in Nepal and Bangladesh to the mining mafia in Meghalaya. The price for a child varies from 50 to 75 US dollars. The children have to work for free, as their work is considered as repayment of the debt they owe, which is nothing more than the price at which they were bought. Human skeletons were recovered beneath a pile of coal in a mine in Jaintia Hills. They were the remains of children who lost their lives due to collapse of the mine shafts or in other accidents during the mining operations. The investigation also revealed that such deaths are common in the mines and the dead bodies buried in undisclosed graves near the mines, often under piles of earth. Working hours are long, often from day break to nightfall without rest. They have no means to communicate to the outside world, much less to their families. The only tools the children have to extract coal or limestone are shovels or pickaxes. There are no medical facilities available near the mines. Not all children are boys. There are considerable numbers of girls who have been bought by the mine owners. Instances of sexual abuse are rampant. It is also reported that some children are trafficked further from the mines to the cities for prostitution. The overwhelming number of children brought from Nepal and Bangladesh also indicates the living conditions for children in these countries. In most cases children have reported that they were sent to the mines after their parents accepted money from middlemen engaged in child trafficking. Kenny, Mary Lorena (2007). Hidden Heads of Households: Child Labor in Urban Northeast Brazil. Buffalo, NY: Broadview Press. Excellent survey of Brazilian social and economic history which has seen economic transformations that marginalize landless, uneducated workers. And the poor are stigmatized. Poor are made scapegoats for all sorts of social problems. Good general introduction to poverty as a way of life. �In Brazil, over six million children between the ages of 10-17 and 296,000 children between 5 and 9 are working�.Children produce much of what Brazilians eat, wear, and sleep in�The cacao, gems, minerals, soybean, and grape industries have all required the use of cheap (children�s) labor.� (Keny 2007: 2)�800,000 children who harvest crops with their families in the United States [in 2005].� (Kenny 2007: 3) �Life histories show that parents started working at the same age as their children. According to Bete, age 41, and mother of seven, �When I was eight years old I was already working in other people�s kitchens, just as my mother had done before me. Now, my kids are growing up with the same routine, working to help me��The market for maids is saturated�If your employer dismisses you, they can always get someone else.� (Kenny 2007: 31) �Malnutrition also stunts children�s growth. I was always shocked when what I thought were 10-year-olds turned out to be 15-year-olds.� (Kenny 2007: 30) Economic activity� �Approximately 45,000 children work in lix�es (garbage dumps) in Brazil. In Olinda, the dump is located in Aguazinha, a few kilometers from the city center. The city produces approximately 700 tons of trash per day. In 1994, about 200 people lived in the lix�o and depended on urban residue to survive (the number has since increased to 350) (Kenny 2007: 65)�The children in lix�o would talk about �quando en ca� no lix�o literally, �when I fell into the garbage,� to describe their move to the dump. They are ashamed to tell people where they live: �People think we are filth�Kinds hold their noses when we walk by. Kids don�t want to play with us, because they think our toys are from the garbage.� (Kenny 2007: 66)�Children described their work as scavengers as superior to begging: �It is better to pick garbage than to steal or beg. If I steal, I might be arrested. If I begged, I would never know how much I could earn. Any kind of work is better than being a bum.�( Kenny 2007: 67)�Tourists frequently offer food, but the kids prefer money. �I just want money. It�s easier to divide than food. That way I can buy what we want, and still come home with some money. When there�s nothing to eat, my mother sends us out to beg. My father will kill us if we don�t� go out and bring something home.�� (Kenny 2007: 68) �Children also age out of particular ways to earn money.� (Kenny 2007: 70) �Kids were encouraged to find others to feed them, which had the effect of reducing their domestic consumption.� (Kenny 2007: 75) �Guias (tour guides) range in age from 6 to 26. Girls also work as guias, but males dominate as guides. Work as a tourist guide is a status job, primarily because it does not involve physical labor, there is contact with foreigners, and the income is significantly better than vending or other waged work�Younger guides received no formal training. They learn by listening to other guides, or they make up information as they go along. Many perceive that the gringos (referring to any foreigner) who hire them don�t know if they are providing misinformation.� (Kenny 2007: 75) �In the last 20 years, school attendance has increased, and child labor has declined in Brazil. The Bolsa Escola (school scholarship) is a conditional cash grant program started in 1996 that gives mothers approximately US$6 per month per child (ages 6-15, up to three children) as long as the children maintain 85 per cent attendance (Kenny 2007: 109)�Some schools provide children with a cesta b�sica. However a number of parents complain that the baskets contain foodstuffs of extremely poor quality, things they �would not purchase for themselves if they had the money.� Essential items such as toilet paper, sanitary napkins, toothbrushes, and toothpaste are not included.� (Kenny 2007: 110) Plus �a Change Chapter Eight: Living in Limbo Hangin� Casimir, Michael J. (2010) Growing Up in a Pastoral Society: Socialization Among Pashtu Nomads. K�lner Ethnologische Beitr�ge. K�lon: Druck and Bindung. �This readiness to fight and the support brothers give one another can be observed every day when the male adolescent peer group meets on the flat open space or near the stream not far away from their parents� tents. Whenever quarrels occur between boys of different households, brothers always stick together.� (Casimir 2010: 41) Kathryn M. Curtis (2010) U S. Medical Eligibility Criteria for Contraceptive Use. Adapted from the World Health Organization Medical Eligibility Criteria for Contraceptive Use, 4th edition. May 28, 2010 / 59(Early Release); 1-6 High School aged children--9th- to 12th-graders--in the U.S. take significantly fewer health risks than did high school aged children in the early 1990s. There is also a decline in violence and weapons use among the same aged teens since 1991. They are more likely to wear helmets and seat belts, and are less prone toward risky sex, suicide, drinking, and smoking. They do have slightly higher rates of obesity and asthma; they exercise less and use sunscreen less. Steinberg, Laurence (2007) Risk taking in adolescence: New perspectives from brain and behavioral science. American Psychologist.16(2) 55-59. ��one of the reasons the cognitive-control system of adults is more effective than that of adolescents is that adults� brains distribute its regulatory responsibilities across a wider network of linked components. This lack of cross-talk across brain regions in adolescence results not only in individuals (p. 57) acting on gut feelings without fully thinking (the stereotypic portrayal of teenagers)� when asked whether some obviously dangerous activities (e.g., setting one�s hair on fire) were ��good ideas,�� adolescents took significantly longer than adults to respond to the questions and activated a less narrowly distributed set of cognitive-control regions�. To the extent that the temporal disjunction between the maturation of the socioemotional system and that of the cognitive-control system contributes to adolescent risk taking, we would expect to see higher rates of risk taking among early maturers and a drop over time in the age of initial experimentation with risky behaviors such as sexual intercourse or drug use. There is evidence for both of these patterns�(p. 58) Konner, Melvin (1975) Relations among infants and juveniles in comparative perspective. In Michael Lewis and Leonard A. Rosenblum (Eds.), Friendship and Peer Relations. Pp. 99-129. New York: John Wiley and Sons. ��Lewis Binford�s (personal communication) description of adolescents in Eskimo band society. It seems that a number of Eskimo bands who until then had lived a nomadic hunting life, were settled about 15 years ago into large permanent villages. Adolescents aggregated into destructive roving peer gangs who had evidently come to present a serious social problem.� (Konner 1975: 117) Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �When boys and girls reached the age of 14 or 15, they were automatically inducted into a formal organization composed of their peers.� (Barnett 1979: 9) �Entering a club was quite a different matter. It was required by tradition and it entailed many obligations the most important of which was community service.� (Barnett 1979: 9) �Each male occupied a club house.� (Barnett 1979: 32) �The labor force represented by clubs was also controlled by village or district chiefs. A club or a combination of more than one could be called upon to build or repair a street or public building.� (Barnett 1979: 33) �The young men�s clubs operated as a police force. When a regulation was announced by the chief�s, one or more of the clubs were designated to enforce it.� (Barnett 1979: 33) Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. (pp. 303-358). Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. Forest foragers from Orinocco Delta� �Groups occasionally from one-sex gangs and roam through the territory giving expression in various ways to adolescent Sturm und Drang. Whether such reactions are culturally conditioned or natural, adolescent make and female Warao do not make their parents happy.� (Wilbert 1976: 325) Fajans, Jane (1997) They Make Themselves: Work and Play Among the Baining of Papua New Guinea. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Individual hamlet groups practiced swidden horticulture, frequently moving their hamlets when they moved their gardens.� (Fajans 1997: 16) �Adolescents described by the Baining as �big,� although already productive workers, are not yet responsible for their own family or household. They are called upon to contribute to collective work parties, where a big job is done in one day.� (Fajans 1997: 93) �At this period of their life, youths do not want to marry and assume the responsibilities of a spouse and parent. �As for me, I say I don�t want to marry. I want to roam. I want to work on a plantation. I want to stay like this [as I am now]. I will work on a plantation: I will work, I will find money and I will wander. I will work, then later I will marry [adolescent male] [or] I do not want to get married I am still small. Later! Our parents speak, but we do not want to. They talk in vain. I do not like men. I still do not want to. I still do not know about gardens. I do not know how to work yet [adolescent female].� (Fajans 1997: 94) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �The daily life of adolescent boys is marked by an unfamiliar (by Bonerate standards) amount of leisure and a remarkably high level of passivity. They sit around chatting in the village.� (Broch 1990: 145) �Some days the boys of this age complain that there is little for them to do in the village. They become restless and want to get off to sea. They share daydreams about how they will return to the village rich in money and goods.� (Broch 1990: 46) Burton, Linda M. and Graham, Joan E. (1998) Neighborhood rhythms and the social activities of adolescent mother. New Directions for Child and Adolescent Development 82:7-22. �We began our study of [18] neighborhoods, teen parents, and multigeneration families in the summer of 1989 in a medium sized, predominately African American northeastern city.� (Burton 1998: 9) �As the six o�clock hour approached, small-drug transactions heightened, and the local �audience� of unsupervised children and teen observers grew. Eric, a fourteen-year-old middle school student remarked: You ought to be out right now. This is when all the peeps [people] is hangin�. You learn about the streets now�It�s good for a young brother to know the streets. You see everybody, styling and profiling. All the peeps see you. If you want to be seen, this is the time to be out.� (Burton 1998: 16) Dean, Carolyn (2002) Sketches of childhood: Children in Colonial Andean art and society. In Tobias Hecht (Ed.), Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society. Pp. 21-51. Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. �According to Santill�n, ages sixteen to twenty were collectively called cocapalla (coca harvester); he tells us that the youth of this category were expected to reap the state-owned coca crop.� (Dean 2002: 43) �To the Andean, �age� was not so much the sum of years as an evaluation of physical attributes, that �age was not counted in years as an evaluation of physical attributes, abilities, and dexterity. Cobo 1983 [1653]:194) confirms this, saying that �age was not counted in years, nor did any of them know how many years old they were. [For the census] they were accounted for on the basis of duty an aptitude of each person.� The two major ceremonies for Andean children marked weaning and puberty�the two most important stages of growth that, significantly, commemorated the increasing independence of the young individual. Weaning, celebrated by the haircutting and first naming ceremony, marked the first stage of the child�s physical independence. The puberty rites and second naming ceremony celebrated the age at which the child became a significant contributor to the local economy. The giving of a new name signaled an important reclassification of the individual and his or her significance to society.� (Dean 2002: 44) Shaughnessy, Larry 2008. Marine motorcycle deaths top their Iraq combat fatalities. 10/30/08 #HYPERLINK "/2008/US/10/30/marine.motorcycles/index.html"#/2008/US/10/30/marine.motorcycles/index.html# �Twenty-five Marines have died in motorcycle crashes since November -- all but one of them involving sport bikes that can reach speeds of well over 100 mph, according to Marine officials. In that same period, 20 Marines have been killed in action in Iraq.� (Shaughnessy 2008: online) Steinberg, Laurence (2007) Risk taking in adolescence: New perspectives from brain and behavioral science. New Directions in Psychological Science 16(2): 55-59. �It thus appears that the brain system that regulates the processing of rewards, social information, and emotions is becoming more sensitive and more easily aroused around the time of puberty. What about its sibling, the cognitive-control system? Regions making up the cognitive-control network, especially prefrontal regions, continue to exhibit gradual changes in structure and function during adolescence and early adulthood.� (Steinberg 2007: 57) �In one recent study, when asked whether some obviously dangerous activities (e.g., setting one�s hair on fire) were ��good ideas,�� adolescents took significantly longer than adults to respond to the questions and activated a less narrowly distributed set of cognitive-control regions� (Baird, Fugelsang, & Bennett, 2005). (Steinberg 2007: 58) Baird, A., Fugelsang, J., & Bennett, C. (2005). ��What were you thinking?��: An fMRI study of adolescent decision making. Poster presented at the annual meeting of the Cognitive Neuroscience Society, New York, April. Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. �Ireland suffered from the activities of gangs of lawless young warriors, operating outside the boundaries of the community (the tuath). Fosterage for freeborn males in Ireland would finish at fourteen years old, but thereafter the boys were in social limbo. They lacked the wealth to establish their own families, so they joined the fian, �an independent organization of predominantly landless, unmarried, unsettle, and young men given to haunting, warfare, and sexual license outside the tuath.� At around twenty years of age, often on the acquisition of an inheritance through the death of older male relatives, a young man would finally join the group of married property owners.� (Crawford 1999: 162) Creating Warriors Markstrom, Carol A. (2008) Empowerment of North American Indian Girls: Ritual Expressions at Puberty. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. �Roundtree (1989) provided a more extensive description of the huskanaw ceremony relative to Powhatan boys, who were trained from early in life to be stoic warriors who could withstand multiple hardships. Boys were initiated from 10 to 15 years of age� After a series of impressive violent acts directed toward the initiates (which were more aggressive in appearance than in actuality), boys experienced a series of abductions. Ultimately, the boys were held deep in the forest for several months by older, initiated men, who subjected the boys to beating and forced them to ingest an intoxicating but dangerous plant (possibly jimsonweed).� (Markstrom 2008: 161) Roundtree, Helen C. (1989) The Powhatan Indians of Virginia: Their Traditional Culture. Norman, OK: University of Oklahoma Press. [California] Atsugewi boys underwent a puberty celebration when their voices changed. They endured a variety of challenging activities, including whipping and gargling with sand. Yana boys also were whipped with bow strings and would have their ears pierced and possibly their septums perforated. Foothill Yokut boys were strengthened though nightly swims in the winter. At age 12, Cahto boys were put in a dance house for the winter and were warned about dangers and instructed to be good.� (Markstrom 2008: 168) Moritz, Mark (ND) Disentangling honor psychology and pastoral personality: An ecocultural analysis of herding outines of FulBe children in West Africa, unpublished paper. The Ohio State University. Pastoral society, N. Cameroon� �Peer-peer aggression is frequent during herding. FulBe fight with sticks, knives, and/or bow and arrow. Boys are taught and encouraged from a very early age to fight with sticks and they practice the art regularly among themselves; they challenge each other with insults and spar with their herding sticks. When they encounter other young herders during herding, they will challenge them and engage in stick fights�Young boys who are insulted but fail to retaliate may be beat by older family members. Most FulBe men of twenty-five have been in at least one serious fight and everybody has scars from stick fights. Blows are directed at the head and can be fatal. Men continue to engage regularly in fights until age 30. These practices have given FulBe men a reputation for unrestrained and easily provoked aggression of which they are very proud. This socialization in stick fights is institutionalized in a rite of passage called soro�that marks their subsequent transition to manhood. Twice a year, at the onset and the end of the rainy season, some nomadic FulBe clans come together for celebrations such as name giving festivals, dances, and the soro. The soro is a test of manhood, courage, and resistance to pain in which a candidate has to show no reaction whatsoever while he is severely beaten with a stick by a tester.� (Moritz ND: 23) �Through repeated participation over a period of a couple years in the soro a young FulBe becomes a man. FulBe men cannot marry unless they have successfully participated in the soro [which] takes place in the afternoon when FulBe gather around the candidates. Girls of marriageable age form the inner ring of the audience circled around the young men, and the rest of the clan in the outer circle. When young candidates come forward they stand motionless, either with their hands clasped over their heads or with a mirror in their hand. The tester, armed with a tough branch of tamarind, then circles around the candidate, feinting at him, until suddenly he lets a blow come home. The candidate must take these blows without so much as the flicker of an eyelid. �In fact, to assure himself that he has not shown any sign of emotion, the individual being beaten holds a mirror to his face throughout the contest�. The blows can be cruel, leaving great weals, or even open wounds which produce large scars of which the FulBe are very proud. Accidental disembowelment has been known. When candidates fail the test, they are seized by the girls, their kilts torn off and substituted with girls� kilts, and made to sit with the children. Failure to successfully participate in the contest leads to humiliation by relatives, social disgrace, and a distinct disadvantage in obtaining wives. To pass the soro is to establish a reputation of courage and strength which indicates the ability to defend the family herds, which is essential when men marry and start their own family herd. In fact, men that pass the soro are given cattle by their patrilineal kin.� (Moritz ND: 24) Moritz, Mark (2008) A critical examination of honor cultures and herding societies in Africa. African Studies Review, 51 (2): 99-#117. �When FulBe Mare�en boys start herding at age five or six, older male relatives become responsible for their socialization and also, significantly, for their discipline; since cattle are essential to a family�s survival any negligence must be punished, and the adult disciplinarians are commensurately powerful figures in the boys� lives. When they are old enough to herd, boys no longer sleep with their mother but next to the corral in order to control, if necessary, cattle frightened by prowling hyenas and lions. At this stage of life they also no longer eat with their mother and sisters but with the men. Through explicit instruction, listening to conversations, and observation they learn about the general dietary needs of cattle, which types of grasses appeal most to cattle, the characteristics of each animal, the dominance hierarchy in the herd, and the genealogy of the herd.� (Moritz 2008: 111) �At the same time, early contact with their father and other male role models allows boys to form a realistic image of the appropriate male behavior at a relatively young age. From their male role models FulBe Mare�en boys also become more socialized into a hierarchical social structure of dominance and submission.Boys also learn to exercise dominance over other people. They are taught and encouraged from a very early age to fight with sticks and they practice the art regularly among themselves; they challenge each other with insults and spar with their herding sticks.� (Moritz 2008: 112) �Freedom from adult monitoring may also be an important factor in the socialization of young FulBe boys since they have the opportunity to explore, follow their own impulses, and satisfy their curiosity. In comparison with youths from agricultural populations, for example, boys in herding societies have relatively more same-sex contact with peers. Cross-cultural research has shown that these peer dyads are characterized by a high proportion of both sociability and aggression. When FulBe boys are alone in the bush dominance struggles and peer assaults are a recurrent event and appear to be motivated partly by a strong need to prove their masculinity.� (Moritz 2008: 112) Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. �The age at which a child reached theoretical adult status was still twelve years old.� (Crawford 1999: 42) �Turning to the semantic evidence, far from drawing distinctions between �child� and �warrior�, the difficulty lies in disentangling these concepts. Although cild was frequently used to mean �child�, it also had the connotation of �young warrior�, a confusion of terms that can hardly be coincidental�Here, there can be no equivocation about he meaning of cniht � he is a boy, specifically stated as not being fully grown to adult hood even by Anglo-Saxon terms, yet the writer has no doubt that his audience will accept his presence in the thick of battle, fighting by the side of the war leader. Wulfmaer may be a boy, but he is no novice. He is a seasoned warrior.� (Crawford 1999: 160) Honwana, Alcinda (2006) Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. �The drinking of blood apparently functioned as an initiation rite. Eduardo, a seventeen-year-old from Kuito, recalled: �I drank blood on the day I finished my military training, in the swearing-in ceremony. We all had to drink two spoons of blood each. They told us that this was important to prevent us from being haunted by the spirits of the people we might kill�Echoes of traditional religious beliefs and practices are audible in these testimonies. Militia commanders deliberately used features of local peacetime initiation rituals in the initiation of recruits into violence in order to make boys soldiers fearless and to mystify the taking of life. Herbal medicines were sometimes given to recruits in order to enable them to fight courageously and protect them from death during combat.� (Honwana 2006: 62) �Together with strenuous physical exercise, manipulation of weapons, and the imposition of strict discipline, these practices represent a powerful ritualized initiation into a culture of violence and terror. However, while initiation may have transformed some boys into strong and fierce combatants it did not facilitate their social transition into responsible adulthood.� (Honwana 2006: 63) �It was very hard to kill, and then look at all the dead bodies.� (Honwana 2006: 65) Sexuality Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. �A girl must be engaged before she reaches menarche and becomes nubile. In principle the earlier the better, for her and for all others, since the chances of her becoming sexually dangerous to herself and to others must be minimized.� (Rao 1998: 121) Apostolou, Menelaos (2009) Sexual selection under parental choice in agropastoral societies. Evolution and Human Behavior 31: 39-47. �Evidence from the anthropological record indicates that in most human societies, parents control the mating access to their offspring. Based on these data, a model of sexual selection has been recently proposed, whereby along with female and male choice, parental choice constitutes a significant sexual selection force in our species. This model was found to provide a good account for the mating patterns which are typical of foraging societies. By employing data form the Standard Cross Cultural Sample, the present study aims at examining whether society types are made and two model-derived hypotheses are tested. First, it is hypothesized that male parents exert greater decision making power in agropastoral societies that in hunting and gathering ones. Both hypotheses are supported by the results presented here. The evolutionary implications of these findings are also explored.� (Apolsolou 2009: 39) �Mating patterns between foraging and agropastoral societies appear to be different in at least two ways: in agropastoral societies men have more decision making power over marriage arrangements than women, and parents exercise more control over the mating decisions of their male offspring. These differences can be explained by the wealth produced in each society type: more male-controlled wealth is produced in agropastoral societies than in hunting and gathering ones, which in turn provides men with more power over their offspring�s mating decisions.� (Apolstolou 2009: 46) Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Hadza girls and boys begin �playing house� literally, building little grass huts, around the age of 7 or 8. There is some sex play when they enter the huts. Sometimes sex play among children occurs in full view of everyone; sometimes it is between two children of the same sex.� (Marlowe 2010: 168) �After girls reach menarche and when boys are 17 or 18 years old, they begin to have sex. A go-between often facilitates this. For example, they boy�s sister may tell her friend that her brother likes her, or perhaps the girls sends a message to the boy. Either way, when the word comes back that their interest is reciprocated, the young lovers sneak off at night.� (Marloew 2010: 169) �Premarital affairs may not last long, but if the couple continues to be together for perhaps a week or a few weeks, they may begin living together and are then considered married. Marriage involves no ceremony, but is defined by cohabitation.� (Marlowe 2010: 170) Barley, Nigel (1983/2000) The Innocent Anthropologist: Notes from a Mud Hut. Long Grove, IL: Waveland. Remote people from Cameroonian Highlands, mixed farming, herding. �Dowayos are sexually active from a relatively early age. Since Dowayos do not know how old they are one has to estimate such things, but they seem to begin their explorations about the age of eight. Sexual activity is not discouraged. A boy will be allowed to spend the night with a girl of his choice in her hut, though the mother will be expected to keep an eye on things and wonton promiscuity is not approved. Sexual relations might take a turn for the worse at puberty. Premarital pregnancy carries no stigma, indeed it is taken as a welcome sign that a girl is fertile, but menstruation carries the risk of imbecility if a male comes into contact with it. � Uncircumcised males carry a taint of femininity. They are accused of emitting the stench of women, the result of their dirty foreskins; they cannot participate in all male events; they are buried with women.� (Barley 1983/2000: 74) Apostolou, Menelaos (2009) Sexual Selection under Parental Choice in Agropastoral Societies. Evolution and Human Behavior 31: 39-47. �Evidence from the anthropological record indicates that in most human societies, parents control the mating access to their offspring. Based on these data, a model of sexual selection has been recently proposed, whereby along with female and male choice, parental choice constitutes a significant sexual selection force in our species. This model was found to provide a good account for the mating patterns which are typical of foraging societies. By employing data form the Standard Cross Cultural Sample, the present study aims at examining whether society types are made and two model-derived hypotheses are tested. First, it is hypothesized that male parents exert greater decision making power in agropastoral societies that in hunting and gathering ones. Both hypotheses are supported by the results presented here. The evolutionary implications of these findings are also explored.� (Apolsolou 2009: 39) �Mating patterns between foraging and agropastoral societies appear to be different in at least two ways: in agropastoral societies men have more decision making power over marriage arrangements than women, and parents exercise more control over the mating decisions of their male offspring. These differences can be explained by the wealth produced in each society type: more male-controlled wealth is produced in agropastoral societies than in hunting and gathering ones, which in turn provides men with more power over their offspring�s mating decisions.� (Apolstolou 2009: 46) Danielsson, Bengt (1952) The Happy Island. Lyon, F. H. (trans.). London: George Allen and Unwin. �Sexual difficulties and repressions are quite unknown�On moonlit nights the young people used to assemble in some glade in the palm forest for singing, dancing and amorous games.� (Danielsson 1952: 123) Rawson, Beryl (2003) Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. At a later stage the young man, not yet with a beard grown, freed from supervision, rejoices in horses and dogs and the grassy, sunny field of the Campus Martius; as impressionable as wax, he is easily influenced to vice, sharp with any who reprimand him, slow to see what will be beneficial, prodigal with money, high-handed, full of desires, and swift to leave aside the objects of his desire.� (Rawson 2003: 137) �Athletic contests, where competitors performed naked, were deemed unsuitable for women and girls, who were denied access while such contests were in progress. Indeed, there was a body of opinion at Rome that athletics and gymnasium sports had a corrupting effect on participants. They were associated with excessive leisure for young men, and nakedness and close bodily (Rawson 2003:329) contact were thought to lead to improper relationships (i.e. homosexuality).� (Rawson 2003: 330) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �An early marriage is sought for her especially if she begins to show a marked interest in men, for her parents are concerned that she does not build a reputation for loose morals�In traditional families, the problem was solved by marrying daughters off before puberty, even as young as nine or tem. These little girls would move into their husband�s home, to be brought up by him and the mother-in-law, and it would be her new family�s concern, no longer her parents�, to keep her away from other men.� (Geertz 1961: 56) Hardenberg, Roland (2006) Hut of the young girls: Transition from childhood to adolescence in a middle Indian tribal society. In Deepak K. Behera (Ed.), Childhoods in South Asia. Pp. 65-81, Singapore: Pearson Education. �The years when adolescence visit the dormitory can be considered a transitory period between childhood and adulthood. This transitional period ends with marriage when young people turn into responsible members of the village community.� (Hardenberg 2006: 73) Coming of Age Dorjahn, Vernon R. (1982) The initiation and training of Temne Poro members. in Ottenberg, Simon (Ed.), African Religious Groups and Beliefs. (Pp. 35-62). Meerut, India: Archana. �Method of initiation is known as kabankalo. Initially the group of boys are seized openly in a matter of days, usually with the connivance of their fathers and guardians, who nevertheless feign innocence and indignation in public.� (Dorjahn 1982: 40) �From the time of capture until katai is performed, the boys are forbidden to speak to or be seen by any non-member. �During this time the boys are scarified.� (Dorjahn 1982: 40) �While boys were in kabangkalo, the rabinga had the right to levy small fines on those who quarreled in addition to meting out the more unusual punishments: flogging, withholding food, extra work, supporting a heavy weight for a long time and so on.� (Dorjahn 1982: 39) Boys in kabankalo served as a cooperative work group for the chief, their fathers and other big men of the chiefdom.� (Dorjahn 1982: 41) �If a boys dies in kabankalo�it is kept a secret until the day of �pulling;� the parents of the deceased continue to �throw rice to the Poro spirit,� in their ignorance. On the day of �pulling,� a Poro messenger carries an earthen pot to the door of the parents� house, breaks it and informs them that their son has gone to a far place. A wake cannot be held for such a boy��forbidden� to mourn for one who had died in the bush.� (Dorjahn 1982: 44) �Two big things are taught in the bush: first discipline, (submission to authority without question) and second, cooperation, (whether it be) in work, in keeping secrets, in abiding by established rules or in legal cases.� (Dorjahn 1982: 46) �Poro secrets and rules: Knowledge of medicines and counter-remedies. (Dorjahn 1982: 46)�Music and dance steps of Poro men. �Life in kabankalo is hard physically, if not always so mentally, but the boys eat well and emerge stronger and hardened. Much of the learning about non-material things takes place after a hard day�s work in the fields plus a dance session, when the boys are physically tired and retention cannot be high, yet retention failures and lapses are punished severely and painfully. Thus one who refers to another by his birth name is doused with boiling water and one who �talks back� or questions in an order is staked on the ground in the sun or beaten severely. Discipline is harsh, but impersonal and apparently effective.� (Dorjahn 1982: 47) Rao, Aparna (2006) The Acquisition of Manners, Morals and Knowledge: Growing into and Out of Bakkarwal Society. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 53-76. Oxford: Berghan Books. �When they are around sixteen or seventeen, and they must be prepared for this confrontation. These dangers are more social than physical. �Mixing with the right persons is crucial at this stage, since it is explained that a good (nek) person teaches others good things simply by his/her presence. �Similarly by keeping bad company one �goes bad�. Gender differentiation in socialization is publicly marked in this phase by male circumcision, there being no female counterpoint to it, which takes place between the ages of six and twelve. This act finally confirms the boy as a Muslim.� (Rao 2006:59) Marlowe, Frank W. (2010). The Hadza: Hunter-Gatherers of Tanzania. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �At about age 16-17 years, females reach menarche. Around this time, or a little before, they undergo a puberty ritual called mai-to-ko.� (Marlowe 2010: 55) �The girls were almost completely naked and covered in animal fat so that they were very shiny, and they were draped in beads. There was much singing and dancing and talking and visiting. Everyone once in awhile, these girls would give chase to older teenager boys and try to hit them with their fertility sticks (nalichanda). The boys would run to dodge the sticks the girls wielded but seemed to be having great fun. On the third day, the females segregated themselves, and the males had to stay away from where the women were. It is at this time that an old woman who is said to be an exert with the knife cuts off the tip of the clitoris (about half) of each young girl.� (Marlowe 2010: 56) �After a girl has had her mai-to-ko, she is in the marriage market but usually does not marry for another year or two.� (Marlowe 2010: 56) �Males are not circumcised, and there is no ritual for male puberty, though there is a ceremony (maito) that occurs when a young man has killed a large animal and joins the epeme men.� (Marlowe 2010: 57) �Epeme refers to the whole complex of manhood and hunting, but also to the new moon and the relationship between the sexes. Fully adult men are referred to as elati, or epeme men. When a male is in his early 20s and kills a big-game animal, he becomes an epeme or fully adult male.� (Marlowe 2010: 57) Barley, Nigel (1983/2000) The Innocent Anthropologist: Notes from a Mud Hut. Long Grove, IL: Waveland. �The Dowanyo form of circumcision is very severe, the entire penis being peeled for its whole length.� (Barley 1983/2000: 74) Edel, May M. (1957/1996) The Chiga of Uganda, 2nd ed. New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction Publishers. �Adolescents must be respectful; and they must accept parental control.� (Edel 1957/1996: 183) �It was sometimes necessary to resort to drastic measures to enforce it. Boys and girls might be beaten, tied to a post in the compound for a whole day, or threatened with curse of a very potent sort, if they rebelled against parental decisions. The threat of such punishment was enough in most cases.� (Edel 1957/1996: 183) De Laguna, Frederica (1965). Childhood among the Yakutat Tlingit. In Melford E. Spiro (Ed.), Context and Meaning in Cultural Anthropology. Pp. 3-23. New York: Free Press. �The restrictions on the girl were not really lifted until she married. Mothers watched their little daughters carefully from the time they were twelve years old, anticipating the first fateful stains. These little girls had been warned what to expect and that they should promptly report it.� (De Laguna 1965: 20) �During this period she thirsted and fasted, sitting as immobile as possible her fingers laced together with string.� (De Laguna 1965: 20) �The girl�s dolls were all given to her paternal cross-cousins. The girls also performed magical exercises during the first eight days. She rubbed a hard stone around her lips and face eight times, and this, too, was buried under a stump. �This makes your tongue and face heavy, so you can�t gossip.� (De Laguna 1965: 20) �Girls who had been confined �can hardly walk or stand when they come out.� However, the girl was not yet really free, for the mother exercised a strict chaperonage over her daughter until the latter married, even accompanying her to the latrine. This period of supervision did not usually last long, since a girl was considered marriageable as soon as her puberty seclusion was ended, and the prudent or aristocratic parents too pains to marry her off promptly.� (De Laguna 1965: 21) Modern initiation rite� Eckholm, Erik (2009) Discipline of military redirects dropouts. New York Times, March 7th accessed electronically 3/8/09 ��Youth Challenge,� is a National Guard run program (# HYPERLINK "/site/" ##/site/#) to rescue inner city dropouts. Takes aimless young men who are flunking school and subjects them to rigorous discipline. The normal adolescent pleasures of drugs, alcohol and sex are prohibited. Many are turned away because of felony convictions and many drop out or are thrown out for violations but it does seem that a significant number who complete the program become sober, hard-working citizens completing their GED, staying employed, joining the armed forces.� (Eckholm 2009: online) ��But for the right person, Youth Challenge seems to work. Branden Williams, 22, of Augusta finished the camp at Fort Gordon in 2005. �I was headed down the wrong path, skipping school, doing drugs,� he said. �Youth Challenge changed my life totally.� �All my friends are either locked up or dead,� Mr. Williams said, �and that�s where I would have ended up.� He decided he needed to do something radical after he was stabbed eight times on a school bus.� (Eckholm 2009: online) Watson-Franke, Maria-Barbara (1976) To learn for tomorrow: Enculturation of girls and its social importance among the Guajiro of Venezuela. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 191-211. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. �The Guajiro are a cattle-herding tribe who inhabit the arid, windswept Guajira peninsula in northwestern South America. They have a matrilineal social organization, and a strongly developed social class system.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 193) �When the girl reaches puberty her life changes drastically. She is isolated from society and kept in seclusion for about two to five years depending on the socioeconomic position of her family.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 194) �The hut is small with a very low entrance so that a woman can enter only by crawling on her knees, and it has no windows. But informants added, sometimes with a concerned smile, that there were usually some peepholes in the hut through which the men attempted to get a look at the girl.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 195) �The next step is very important and involves cutting the girl�s hair. Customarily someone other than the girl�s caretaker will cu ther hair. The woman who does this gives the girl advice on how to behave herself in the future: �At this moment I will cut your hair. You will lose allt he hair, the hair of your childhood. So this does not exist anymore. New hair will grow, the hair of a woman. This hair of yours will be cut now because all the world touched it when you were a child. You are not a little girl anymore. Don�t laugh like little girls do; your life will change now. Now you must take responsibility.� If the girl cries she will be severely criticized for her childish attitude and reminded of her new status as an adult woman who must exercise self-control.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 197) �The products that the girl weaves during the encierro are sold by her family. The money or the animals received for the weavings become the girl�s property. Frequently the interested clients are young men who show their interest in the girl in this way.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 204) �The mother is usually the one who decides the length of the encierro. After a period of time ranging from two to five years the girl it told that she is ready to leave.� (Watson-Franke 1976: 204) Lessa, William A. (1966) Ulithi: A Micronesian Design For Living. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �The boy�s kufar is much the less elaborate and important. It comes about when he begins to show secondary sex characteristics and is marked by three elements: a change to adult clothing, the performance of magic, and the giving of a feast. All this occurs on the same day. The boy changes from the long grass-like hibiscus �skirt� to the banana fiber breechclout of men. This is followed by a rite performed by one of the parents, or any relative of friend knowing the (Lessa 1966: 101) formula.� (Lessa 1966: 102) �The kufar for girls is much more prolonged and important than that for boys, having two aspects, one of which signifies the physiological coming of age and the other the sociological attainment of adulthood.� (Lessa 1966: 102) �As soon as the girl notices the first flow of blood she knows she must immediately repair to the women�s house.� (Lessa 1966: 102) �It is after the several liaisons that come before marriage that a boy and girl discover that they have a deeper interest in one another than one based on sexual relations alone.� (Lessa 1966: 105) �The initiation of marriage negotiations, then, arises out of the probings so freely permitted young people.� (Lessa 1966: 105) Markstrom, Carol A. (2008) Empowerment of North American Indian Girls: Ritual Expressions at Puberty. Lincoln, NE: University of Nebraska Press. �An adult female mentor, and not necessarily the girl�s mother, often performs various actions related to both instruction and physical manipulation to shape the initiate.� (Markstrom 2008: 76)�The adult female mentor is perceived as possessing the power to reshape and remake the girl into her image.� (Markstrom 2008: 77) �She also presents a certain sort of danger due to the power attached to her earliest menstrual cycles. Some cultures, such as many of the Subarctic, required pubescent girls to be in seclusion, sometimes up to 2 years, and, when in public, they wore a large hood or bonnet that shielded their face from others.� (Markstrom 2008: 79) �Riturals performed at the event of physiological puberty are designed to advance maturation in other domains of development, such as the psychological, social, and emotional selves.� (Markstrom 2008: 80) ��purposes of the Navajo Kinaald�celebration, recognition of reproductive capability, instruction on social roles, tests of physical endurance, performance of rituals to develop desired physical and character traits, to develop strength�� (Markstrom 2008: 80) �Schlegel and Barry (1980) in their examination of data from the Standard Cross-Cultural Sample on initiation ceremonies�reported that across all world areas and for girls, fertility was the primary focus, followed by responsibility and then sexuality...[they] defined responsibility as �impressing upon the initiate the importance of taking adult duties, usually productive ones (1980, p. 78).� (Markstrom 2008: 82) Schlegel, Alice & Barry, H, IIII. (1980) The evolutionary significance of adolescent initiation ceremonies. American ethnologist, 7: 696-715. Many rites were painful� At San Juan Pueblo, girls and boys of age 10 and older experienced a finishing rite in which the two sexes were separated and whipped by the head kachina� (Markstrom 2008: 131) �Maricopa girls were secluded at puberty in circular huts�In addition to seclusion at first menses, a wide range of pubertal events occurred in the non-Pueblo Southwest�Yuma girls who were to lie in a shallow pit heated with stones�Girls of the Southwest were required to perform tests of physical endurance and industry. The Yavapais practiced a variety of arduous rituals in connection with girls� coming-of-age experiences. For 4 days, girls had to rise in the morning prior to others and bring in water and firewood and engage in other tasks.� (Marstrom 2008: 131) �The Havasupai girl was required to run to the east at sunrise and the west at sunset�Fasting from various food and liquid items also was common�The Cocopa girl was required to have her back walked on by a female relative�Tattooing of the pubescent girl occurred.� (Markstrom 2008: 132) �Her mother and other female relatives visited her daily to remind her on matters of cleanliness, keeping a good temper, and being industrious�Serrano girls were instructed on how to be good wives.� (Markstrom 2008: 135) �The Athabascan groups of the California cultural area had special puberty schools where both boys and girls might be instructed. Coast Miwoks had doctoring specialists, one who sang over girls at menses.� (Markstrom 2008: 135) �Tlingit girls, for whom confinement could last for 2 years; during this time they were supervised by female relatives who also taught them traditions of the clan�The initiate�s grandmothers would rub a stone on her mouth eight times and then the stone would be buried. The purpose of this rite was to prevent the girl from becoming a gossip�Tlingit girl�s seclusion could be spent in a dark hold under a platform of a house.� (Markstrom 2008: 1450 �Teslin pubescent girls were to remain quiet and subdued but were also to stay engaged with industrious tasks in order to ensure that they would be industrious in adulthood.� (Markstrom 2008: 149) �Wasco, Wishram, and Cascade boys would present to the elders their first catch of fish or results of a successful hunt. Among the Cayuse, Umatilla, and the Wall Walla cultures, a family ceremony would be held and elders would be given the products of boys� first kill of game or fish.� (Markstrom 2008: 171) �Gwich�in boys were �thrown out� of their parental lodge and sent to live with other boys in a special lodge where they would live until marriage (Slobodin, 1981).� (Markstrom 2008: 173) Slobodin, Richard (1981) Kutchin. In William C. Sturtevant (Gen. Ed.) & June Helm (Vol. Ed.) Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 6. Subartic (pp. 514-532). Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution. �In addition to the taboos against eating meat, fish, or berries, Carrier girls were prohibited from even toughing men�s objects.� (Markstrom 2008: 182) Apache coming of age=Sunrise Dance. Families must raise money, find sponsors, services of medicine man, etc. pp. 209-248. Contrast with Rodeo Queen�seems like an �anti-coming of age� ceremony� Mend the error of her ways� �The belief in the pubescent�s malleable quality at this time of the life span compels that she be shaped and influenced in ways that will determine the course of the remainder of her life.� (Markstrom 2008: 262) �If a girl did not experience the puberty ceremony, it was thought that she would be unhealthy and face a short life.� (Markstrom 2008: 263) �Great expenses of time, money, and energy on the part of the initiate family are evident, such as with the Apache Sunrise Dance.� (Markstrom 2008: 341) Alberici, Lisa A. and Harlow, Mary (2007) Age and innocence: Female transitions to adulthood in late antiquity. In Cohen, Ada and Rutter, Jeremy B. (Eds.), Constructions of Childhood in Ancient Greece and Italy. (pp. 193-203). Princeton, NJ: The American School of Classical Study at Athens. Basil = 4th century� �Basil suggests the age of about sixteen or seventeen to be an age that �possesses the fullness of reason� or �the age of full intelligence.�� (Alberici 2007: 198) Wilbert, Johannes (1976) To become a maker of canoes: An essay in Warao enculturation. In Johannes Wilbert (Ed.), Enculturation in Latin America. Pp. 303-358. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center Publications. Forest foragers from Orinocco Delta� �To be accepted by the bride-to-be�s father is quite another. Crucial for the latter (Wilbert 1976: 326) decision is the bridegrooms�s ability to handle the tool of a man. Does he know how to prepare a garden, hunt, fish, build a house? Above all, does he know how to make a canoe? If he is accepted by his in-laws, the young man�s father �in-law may ask him to manufacture a dugout for him, �with the birth of the first child the adolescent�s Haburi-behavior terminates. He has successfully entered the world of adults.� (Wilbert 1976: 327) Crawford, Sally (1999) Childhood in Anglo-Saxon England. Gloucestershire, UK: Sutton. �Spinning, weaving and sewing were the activities that defined the gender. The neutral Old English man was given masculine gender by the addition of a weapon to weampan, while the female compound was created by the addition of weaving: wifman.� (Crawford 1999: 167) Geertz, Hildred (1961) The Javanese Family: A Study of Kinship and Socialization. New York, NY: Free Press. �A girl enters adolescence with her first menstruation, a boy with his circumcision ceremony�Girls�who from childhood have been given serious responsibilities around the home�have a very short adolescence and, by the age of fifteen may already have a child �Circumcision is only a boy�s first step toward maturity, the period of irresponsibility continuing usually until after his twenty. Since he cannot marry until he can support a wife, he continues to live at home even though he is working.� (Geertz 1961: 120) Broch, Harald Beyer (1990) Growing up Agreeably: Bonerate Childhood Observed. Honolulu, HI: University of Hawaii Press. �Circumcision was arranged for three or four boys at the same time. Their age would range from six to fifteen years.� (Broch 1990: 110) �Girls are usually �circumcised some years earlier than boys, that is, at from six to twelve years or an approximate average of eight years. � Arranging the ceremonies is expensive. This is another factor that affects the parents� decision about when their daughters should be circumcised. Food has to be provided. The rituals last for two days, during which all villagers are fed three times. Special costumes are rented, and a ritual leader is hired.� (Broch 1990: 130) �The novices have to control their emotional expression at least during the public parts of the ritual. �Children are not responsible for most violations of social rules and norms, and they are not thought able to control their emotions. Adults are by definition capable of not getting carried away by emotional display. �during circumcision rituals the novices are (Broch 1990: 137) formally introduced to the ideal standards of conduct to which adults should conform. � An aspect of malu behavior involves shame and respect for others in interaction. Individuals therefore must know their social position. After circumcision boys and girls are supposed to gradually pay more attention to these matters.� (Broch 1990: 138) �Also the context of task assignments to the initiated girl and boy involve new dimensions. They are now given more assignments and after a while they are supposed to contribute more to the needs of their households. The actual tasks may not differ from those they previously were involved with.� (Broch 1990: 138) James, Wendy (1979) 'Kwanim Pa': The Making of the Uduk People. Oxford: Clarendon Press. �This is the first full length account of the Uduk people of the Sudan, who live uneasily between the northern and southern regions of the country, in the borderland close to the Ethiopian frontier.� (James 1979: preface) ��subsistence way of life, based today on hoe cultivation of sorghum and maize, hunting and fishing, and the rearing of a few domestic animals. Hunting was probably far more important in the past than it is today.� (James 1979: 4) �First marriage takes place at an early age, often soon after puberty, and is entered with a sense of spice, adventure, and competition, especially among the young men. Tales are told for years afterwards with great relish, of the hazardous courting expeditions of one�s younger days, when a boy went �weasel-crawling� (ya leheny, to go as a weasel, i.e. secretly to steal) to exchange endearments with his sweetheart through a small hole in the wall of her hut�A bold lover may creep into the girl�s hut to continue the flirtation in greater comfort, but all the time there is the danger that her relatives will wake up, and beat the boy or chase him far out of the hamlet. When he eventually arranges to elope with her, they spend a few days in a friend�s hut, as secretly as possible.� (James 1979: 136) �The boy begins to build the hut, and when it is completed brings his bride to live in it. A beer party is held (this should be, but is not always, at the boy�s father�s hamlet), and there may be dancing; and the central element in the ritual is the anointing of the new couple with red ochre (which often marks the completion of a rite of passage, and the same time suggests health and strength). The wife returns to her own hamlet for the birth of her first child, and after a few weeks a double ceremony is held, with beer and sacrifices at the wife�s and the husband�s hamlets, and the child is conducted in a formal procession from its birthplace to its father�s home.� (James 1979: 137) Smith-Hefner, Nancy J. (1993) Education, gender, and generational conflict among Khmer refugees. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 24(2):135-158. This supervision intensified as a girl approached puberty. Although she may have enjoyed some liberties roaming about the village as a young child, with the approach of puberty a girl was required to stay close to home and was barred from going out at all in the evening. For girls attending school, such restrictions sometimes meant and end to her education, especially where continuing might require traveling long distances�An extreme example of the sheltering of girls was the traditional practice called coul plup, or �entering the shade.� Coul plup occurred at first menses and involved seclusion of the young girls in a darkened room. This period of seclusion usually lasted from three weeks to three months, but in some cases it was longer.� (Smith-Hefner 1993: 145) �The longer a girl stayed in seclusion, the more desirable she became and the greater the bride price she could demand.� (Smith-Hefner 1993: 146)�A family�s name has been sullied because of a daughter�s misbehavior; the family may be obliged to forgo receipt of a bride price. Since bride price among Khmer in the United States typically averages between $3000 and $6000, the economic consequences of such a disaster are painfully real.� (Smith-Hefner 1993: 149) Honwana, Alcinda (2006) Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. �In Angola, among the Tchokwe�, children are identified through the roles they assume; they are even named according to their occupation (p. 41) and roles. For example, tchitutas are girls and boys around the age of five to seven, whose role is to fetch water and tobacco for the elders and take messages to neighbors. Kambumbu are children (especially girls), seven to thirteen years of age, who participate active in household chores and help parents in the field or with fishing and hunting. Mukwenge wa lunga (boys) and the mwana pwo (girls), around the age of thirteen, have to pass the rites of initiation. In Mozambique, young girls become wives as early as thirteen or fourteen years of age and become mothers soon after; they are introduced to the roles and responsibilities of married life and motherhood.� (Honwana 2006: 42) Korbin, Jill (2008) Radios or Religion: The Lessons of Rumspringa and Why Amish Youth Choose a Horse and Buggy Lifestyle in the 21st Century. Paper presented at American Anthropological Association Annual Meeting, San Francisco, November. �Amish grant freedom to adolescents to stray from strict lifestyle. They do this so that the adolescents may freely choose between joining the world or withdrawing for eternity into the closed Amish society. For example, adolescent permitted cell phone until they begin instruction to permanently join the church. Then they pass it on to someone younger. 95% elect to join the church.� (Korbin 2008: presentation) This is a reversal of the prevailing pattern where societies typically impose restrictions on male adolescents, often via painful initiation rites� Adolescence and Social Change in Traditional Societies Cole, Jennifer (2008) Fashioning Distinction: Youth and Consumerism in Urban Madagascar. In Jennifer Cole, & Deborah Durham (Eds.), Figuring the Future: Globalism and the Temporalities of Children and Youth. Pp. 99-124. Sante Fe: School for Advanced Research Press. Globalization of youth culture=fashion Fashion=youth culture transcends culture and class �Contemporary socioeconomic changes have made fashion increasingly associated with youth.� (Cole 2008: 101) �Today, however, people unequivocally associate youth with fashion.� (Cole 2008: 101) Durham, Deborah (2008) Apathy and Agency: The Romance of Agency and Youth in Botswana. In Jennifer Cole, & Deborah Durham (Eds.), Figuring the Future: Globalism and the Temporalities of Children and Youth. Pp. 151-178. Sante Fe: School for Advanced Research Press. �In recognizing the agency of youth (or children, or women, or the poor and oppressed), anthropologists are engaged in an act of liberation, or restoring to those who seem powerless their individual rights to act effectively upon the world.� (Durham 2008: 151) �The idea of apathy invoked by these youth program officers and youth wing members is related to specific ideas of agency, or potential agency. These assessments�that youth were not voting, that they were not joining political parties, that they were politically uneducated and politically uninterested. � Independence and leadership are not, however, the forms in which most youth in Botswana find their agency in society.� (Durham 2008: 157) �The sense in anthropology that agency is fundamentally oppositional, standing against structure, hegemony, and routine�We easily find youth agency, then, in the burning of public government buildings in Botswana.� (Durham 2008: 165) ��young people sitting on benches, their heads resting on their hands, �listening intently� and showing a �positive attitude��the listening of children and senior men, is an important form of social action in Botswana and does not necessarily signal passivity or subordination.� (Durham 2008: 171) �A person�s life is not organized around increasing independence and self-determination, but around increasing interdependencies and the kind of mutualities that come with effective sentiment, in which older people have more effective, powerful, and determining roles.� (Durham 2008: 171) �The riotous youth of Mmankgodi, torching buildings and tormenting government officials�express a sense of anger, found elsewhere in Africa, that young people are being thwarted in their search for opportunities and advancement by greedy elders holding on to wealth, jobs, and appropriate support.� (Durham 2008: 173) Kent, Jo Ling (2008). Pompoms and Nunchucks: Cheerleading With Chinese Characteristics. ABCNews Onine. Available: # HYPERLINK "/International/Story?id=5415408&page=1" ##/International/Story?id=5415408&page=1# Accessed: March 12th. �Growing up in a culture that prized well-behaved wives, Cho believes she can help young Chinese women find their way as individuals. �I hope that being on a Chinese cheerleading team means equality and opportunity. Whoever works hard and performs well can be a cheerleader,� Cho explained. �It�s not about perfect women or big chests or tiny waists & I hope that cheerleading can help Chinese women to find themselves.�� (Kent 2008: online) Khosravi, Shahram (2008) Young and Defiant in Tehran. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. �A child who does not grow up under the protective �shadow of parents� (zir-e say-ye pedar va madar) is supposedly heading for delinquency. Only the shadow of an elder (say-ye yek bozorgtar) can guarantee one�s wellbeing. Tarbiyat kardan in Persian is used for both educating and punishing. Iranian schools are not very different from military bases imposing harsh discipline and punishment.� (Khosravi 2008: 26) �Iranian law legitimates the father�s total authority over his child. In the process of tutoring punishment is justifiable even if it results in the (Khosravi 2009: 26) death of the child.� (Khosravi 2008: 27) ��the morad/morid relationship is a generational hierarchy that allocates power to the elders, a system that schools youngsters into total obedience to the patriarch. Morad is the master and morid the disciple. The master is also caller pir (old) in Sufism. To find the right path in life, one needs a master, a pir. A person with out a pir is �like a wild tree that bears no fruit.� The Sufi master not only is a teacher, but is himself the goal (morad literally means goal), a beloved role model for living. The disciple loves his master and devotes a large part of his life to serving him.� (Khosravi 2008: 27) �The Parent-Teacher Association (Anjoman-e Ulia va Murabian), a government organization with a �caring mission,� publishes books for parents on how youth should be disciplined and how to counter �Weststruckness.� (Khosravi 2008: 28) �Since backstage culture is officially stigmatized as �cultural crime,� a large part of young people�s everyday life becomes unlawful. Attorney Kambiz Nourozi believes that �the majority of Iranian youth are in a mental state of considering themselves as �criminal.� Consequently, notions like �illegality� and �criminal behavior� do not carry the same meaning for Iranian youngsters as they might do elsewhere.� Iranian youths are branded as law-breakers in their trivial everyday life. A large part of their daily practices are classified as unlawful� wearing a T-shirt or a shirt of a color inappropriate for the occasion (e.g., a red one during Moharram), eating ice-cream on the street during Ramadan, playing illicit music in the car, showing more hair or skin than is allowed, or just being in the wrong place at the wrong time (e.g., in front of a girl�s house at 4 p.m. when the girls stream out).� (Khosravi 2008: 125) �Today�s generation is perhaps the most rebellious generation in the modern history of Iran. They are believed to show disrespect for social and ethical norms, particularly sexual ones (nasl-e biband o bar). Having grown up with Islamic mass media and been educated in Islamic schools, they criticize and reject not only political Islam bit also Islamic traditions in general, which were unquestionable for their parents� generation.� (Khosravi 2008: 126) �The younger generation in Iram is the most Americanized generation in the whole region. The systematic anti-American propaganda, particularly by IRIB, over the past two decades has backfired and converted Iranian youngsters into America fans.� (Khosravi 2008: 127) �The internet has become an alternative space for Iranian youth.� (Khosravi 2008: 157) �The fascination with non-Islamic Iranian culture among young Tehranis is articulated in different forms. One of them is the growing appeal of Zoroastrianism. Asserting that the �real� religion of Iranian is Zoroastrianism, young people identify themselves with the religion rather than with �Arab� Islam. The lure of the pre-Islamic Persian identity is also demonstrated in �pilgrimages� to the sites of antiquity.� (Khosravi 2008: 167) �Small figurines of Ahouramazda, the Zoroastrian God, have become a popular necklace pendant among young people.� (Khosravi 2008: 267) Fuentes, Evangelina Villar (2004) �WE DO MAPUCHE STUFF� Cultural Transmission and Ethnic Identity among Mapuche Children. Unpublished Master Thesis in Cultural Anthropology, Department of Cultural Anthropology and Ethnology Uppsala University, Upsalla, Sweden. Rural, agrarian native Indians from southern Andean region of Chile. In transition as children go to school but continue to contribute critical labor inputs to family subsistence. Children speak Spanish predominantly, learning English in school but rarely use native tongue. Discusses concern of parents and grandparents that children are not learning their language and culture. So the father takes the extraordinary step of trying to teach his 4 daughters. �We are Mapuche, we speak Mapuche!� I often heard statements like these, that affirmed the need to speak Mapudungun, but there seemed to be a discrepancy in the expressed wishes to learn and the actual interest in learning. When asked who would teach them, the girls answered that their parents would, but in the occasions where the parents made an effort to teach them, the girls always seemed to find something more interesting to do. The youngest often felt the desire to ride the bike at that precise moment while the older girls just took off in different directions claiming they were busy. Both parents are bilingual and especially Don Artemio takes time to explain the language to the girls. He often put on different tapes with language courses and made the girls repeat the words after the tapes. The tapes went through the basics as for example, the numbers, the colours, the kinship terms, topography etc. The girls often sat and listened to the tapes for a while, but soon they got bored and wandered of. When the father pointed out that it was not he who needed to learn as he already knew, the girls often mumbled something about, �taking classes some other day...� (p. 60-1) � 15 year old boy, has been brought up by their grandmother, who mostly speaks Mapudungun. He has an almost perfect understanding of the language, and has therefore no trouble communicating with the grandmother but he usually answers her in Spanish. It is very seldom he speaks Mapudungun at all�The fact that he did not want to speak it was attributed to his age where �You�re supposed to feel embarrassed over almost everything�. (p. 65) �On one occasion Ayelen was given instructions in Mapudungun by her grandmother. The girl did not understand any of it and just stared at her grandmother clearly bewildered and confused. The grandmother repeated what she had said but the girl still seemed a bit lost. As no one of her sisters was around she had to fend for herself and it was not going very well at all.(p. 67) The schools have taken to give the children education in Spanish and catholic faith and it was therefore up to the parents to teach the children �the Mapuche way�; the Mapudungun and the ancestral religion. [The daughters] have managed to create their own version of the two different religions as they combine parts of both. This is done in an unconscious way as they actually never seem to reflect over the fact that they are indeed mixing two religions.(p. 69) Bamford, Sandra C. (2004) Embodiments of detachment: Engendering agency in the Highlands of Papua New Guinea. In Pascale Bonnem�re (Ed.), Women as Unseen Characters. Pp. 34-56. Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania Press Kamea tribe, Gulf Province. "Until recently, initiation was also a necessary precursor to marriage. It was inconceivable for an uninitiated youth to take a wife. The men's cult taught men how to behave in the presence of women and how to avoid being contaminated by the polluting sexual substances of their brides-to-be. Within the contemporary context, it is up to the boy himself to decide whether or not to participate in the ceremonies. On the basis of my research (p. 42) I estimate that approximately 30 to 40 percent of the boys will choose to undergo full initiation rites, meaning that they will sport a pierced nasal septum as an adult. It is important to note, however, that this does not give an entirely accurate picture of where things stand. A truncated form of initiation is emerging wherein boys are taught all the secrets of the men's cult and are shown the bullroarers (mautwa) but refrain from having their noses pierced. This is done, I was told, in order to hide the men's cult from the local missionaries, who have been relentless in their campaign to put an end to the initiation practices since they first began to work in the region during the 1960s. Because these men do not embody any visible sign of their changed status, it is difficult to know how many have participated in this abbreviated system of rites." (Bamford 2004: 43) Lynch, Caitrin (2007) Juki Girls, Good Girls: Gender and Cultural Politics in Sri Lanka�s Global Garment Industry. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. �Sri Lankan industrialists and managers share these assumptions about women and men with their counterparts around the world. In conversations with me they invoked all three of these concepts (nimble fingers, patience, and obedience).� (Lynch 2007: 26) �A significant reason that the garment industry in the 1990s was targeted toward women employees was because the government needed men to enlist to fight in the war�The Sinhala expression g�ni, juki, pirimi tuwakku sums it up: �Juki for women, guns for men.� I heard this point, in different words (�women work in garment factories, men work in the army).� (Lynch 2007: 27) �Colombo is perceived by many Sri Lankans to be a corrupt, morally degrading space, and this perception is symbolized by the position of Juki girls. Of the thousands of factory workers in Colombo, by far the most work in the garment industry. These women generally have migrated from their villages, and so they live in boarding houses away from their parents. They are frequently seen walking in the streets, going to movie theaters and shopping, and socializing with men�In illustration of the usage and negative connotation of the word, when prospective grooms advertise for spouses in Sinhala newspaper marriage proposals, they sometimes disqualify garment factory workers with the phrase �no garment girls� or �no Juki girls.� (Lynch 2007: 107) �Village factory women are assumed to be �good� because they are living in their villages.� (Lynch 2007: 155) Kenny, Mary Lorena (2007) Hidden Heads of Households: Child Labor in Urban Northeast Brazil. Buffalo, NY: Broadview Press. �In Paraiba, despite efforts by community members encouraging youth to connect to their �African� ancestry, young people wanted to leave the mountains, learn to use computers, learn foreign languages, and travel. They did not see �traditional� activities, such as making clay pots to sell, as economically viable or desirable. Despite stereotypes of being �rooted to the land,� these contemporary youth covet jobs in the city and leave with no intention of returning.� (Kenny 2007: 113) Child soldiers� Honwana, Alcinda (2006) Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Mozambique� �Male labor migration to the diamond and gold mines of Witwatersrand and Kimberly in South Africa began in the mid-nineteenth century. For generation after generation, young men left home to find work and earn money to marry. According to local tradition, �You become a man after having been in South Africa.� Men remained away from home for long periods, generally for eighteen months at a time. Some migrants eventually returned permanently. Others created second families in South Africa while sending remittances home.� (Honwana 2006: 81) �Many adults in Mozambique and Angola mentioned that communities in the aftermath of war are still dealing with the serious disruptions the wars caused in the life course of young people. Beyond the massive killings and material destruction, beyond even the transformation of particular children into merciless killers, the wars left a deep moral crisis. Because children were abducted from their homes and school to fight, the initiation rituals and systematic preparation of young people to become responsible adults ceased. A whole generation was seriously affected.� (Honwana 2006: 43) �Although nine-year-old Paulo was less likely than seventeen-year-old Pitango to have been involved in combat, his family took measures to prevent his being involved in combat, his family took measures to prevent his being afflicted by spirits of the dead. Perhaps his age made him more vulnerable, even though it had delayed his military training. Traditional chiefs (sobas), healers, and diviners (kimbandas), and elders (seculos) in Angola described and explained the rituals used in their regions to purify and reintegrate returning soldiers. A kimbanda in Uige, Angola, explained the procedure for welcoming home a former boy soldier.� (Honwana 2006: 112) Dickson-G�mez, Julia (2003) Growing up in guerilla camps: The long-term impact of being a child soldier in El Salvador�s civil war. Ethos 30(4):327-356. Estrangement from traditional culture� �The exaggerated discipline of the guerrilla camps left little room for male adolescents to develop concepts of autonomy and control. They were not given a chance to practice and learn how to be campesino adults, dedicated to subsistence agriculture. They were also not given a chance to learn socially acceptable use of alcohol or tobacco, as these were prohibited. They had not learned how to be adults in peace time, yet they were also not prepared to return to the role of the child, as they had assumed adult responsibilities during the war.� (Dickson-G�mez 2003: 344) Additionally, government forces labeled all campesinos, and especially adolescent campesinos, as violent "subversives" who would destroy the Salvadoran family and state, a negative label given more weight by the government's genocidal campaign against campesinos. The stigmatized role of guerrilla soldier and the lack of preparation for a new, adult peacetime identity has led many youth to choose the negative identity of the "irresponsible" and "violent" marero (delinquent/ gang member). This is in sharp contrast to the role of "protector" of the family assumed in earlier years. (Dickson-G�mez 2003: 345) Honwana, Alcinda (2006) Child Soldiers in Africa. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. In the West children are often viewed as innocents in need of nurturing guidance and protection, but �soldiers, in contrast, are associated with strength, aggression, and the responsible maturity of adulthood. The paradoxical combination of child and soldier is unsettling (Honwana 2006: 3)�Are they then victims to be rehabilitated or agents of their own futures as a result of their experience?...Children affected by conflict�both girls and boys�do not constitute a homogenous group of helpless victims but exercise an agency of their own find[ing] themselves in an unsanctioned position between childhood and adulthood.� (Honwana 2006: 4) Grier, Beverly C. (2006) Invisible Hands: Child labor and the State in Colonial Zimbabwe. Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann. �She contends that since children were accustomed to agricultural work, white farmers could buy children�s labor from their fathers. Secondly, older children took migrant labor as an opportunity to leave rural homesteads where seniors had rights over their work. Thirdly, she suggests that when African farmers lost boys to colonial capitalists, girls� participation in labor-related activities increased.� (Grier 2006: 481) �At the start of colonial rule, the wage labor of young Africans in the settler economy was perceived by African seniors as [a] potential source of accumulation. For African youth, Grier claims, wage labor became (Grier 2006: 418) an opportunity to gain some independence from patriarchal control. She also speculates that the introduction of a Head Tax payable by every African man over eighteen-years-old was received by African youth as an alternative route to senior status, and more generally that children �used towns, mines, and even mission schools as avenues though which to work out alternative constructions of African childhood.� (Grier 2006: 482) Matthiasson, John S. (1979) But teacher, why can�t I be a hunter: Inuit adolescence as a double-blind situation. In Kenneth Ishwaran (Ed.), Childhood and Adolescence in Canada. Pp. 72-82. Toronto, Canada: McGraw-Hill Ryerson. �The traditional culture of the Inuit did not recognize adolescence as a special period of maturation. So far as I have been able to determine, there is no word for it in the Inuit language�Inuit society was devoid of anything resembling an initiation ceremony for either sex, other than social recognition of a boy�s first kill, or of any other special way of marking the transition. A boy became a man, and a girl a woman. Little note was taken of the transition.� (Matthiasson 1979: 72) �The intrusion of Euro-Canadian agencies into the lives and world of the Inuit has changed all this (Matthiasson 1979: 72)�Children whose parents at the same age were already hunters or wives now continue to carry their books to school daily, awaiting the time when they can step into the �real� world of adulthood.� (Matthiasson 1979: 73) �One of the more serious aspects of this discontinuity from land life to hostel living has been�a discontinuity in the use of discipline as a socializing technique.� (Matthiasson 1979: 76) Lynch, Caitrin (2007). Juki Girls, Good Girls: Gender and Cultural Politics in Sri Lanka�s Global Garment Industry. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. �Sri Lankan industrialists and managers share these assumptions about women and men with their counterparts around the world. In conversations with me they invoked all three of these concepts (nimble fingers, patience, and obedience).� (Lynch 2007: 26) �A significant reason that the garment industry in the 1990s was targeted toward women employees was because the government needed men to enlist to fight in the war�The Sinhala expression g�ni (the �a� needs a line between it and the dots) juki, pirimi tuwakku sums it up: �Juki for women, guns for men.� I heard this point, in different words (�women work in garment factories, men work in the army).� (Lynch 2007: 27) �Colombo is perceived by many Sri Lankans to be a corrupt, morally degrading space, and this perception is symbolized by the position of Juki girls. Of the thousands of factory workers in Colombo, by far the most work in the garment industry. These women generally have migrated from their villages, and so they live in boarding houses away from their parents. They are frequently seen walking in the streets, going to movie theaters and shopping, and socializing with men�In illustration of the usage and negative connotation of the word, when prospective grooms advertise for spouses in Sinhala newspaper marriage proposals, they sometimes disqualify garment factory workers with the phrase �no garment girls� or �no Juki girls.� (Lynch 2007: 107) �Village factory women are assumed to be �good� because they are living in their villages.� (Lynch 2007: 155) Social change and agency� Leavitt, Stephen C. (1998) The Bikhet mystique: masculine identity and patterns of rebellion among Bumbita adolescent males. In Gilbert Herdt and Stephen C. Leavitt (Eds.), Adolescece in Pacific Island Societies. Pp. 173-194. Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press. �The initiation system that traditionally cultivated the Bikhet aspects of men is no longer in place.� (Leavitt 1998: 177) �The most significant event of the revival was the revelation of the men�s cult secrets during church services. Many said that men had been so shamed by the public airing of their cult activities that it was utterly impossible to conduct initiations. The Tambaran, they said, was dead.� (Leavitt 1998: 178) �There was also a sense among youths that they, as villagers �from the bush,� would never really be able to make significant contributions to the new social world. No one from the village of Bumbita had ever done well enough in school to be admitted into high school, and that situation seemed unlikely to change.� (Leavitt 1998: 178) �The term for adolescent males in Bumbita Arapesh is ounohi. It applies to the period of time from the development of secondary sexual characteristics to the time when a young man marries, usually in his twenties. While the term itself no longer applies after marriage, people fell that a man is not fully mature until he has children. Thus for the Bumbita male, adolescence begins as a category of physical development and ends with a change in social status.� (Leavitt 1998: 186) �His spiritual development is radically incomplete�the Bumbita do not hold that a boy�s physical development will be hampered if he is not initiated into the Tambaran; rather, the primary effect will be on his ability to produce thriving and abundant crop of yams, an ability intimately connected with spiritual, and masculine power.� (Leavitt 1998: 186) �Dangers of men to women, by contrast, come almost entirely from the powers created in them traditionally through their Tambaran initiations or through their involvement with the magical arts (Leavitt 1998:186) of curing or sorcery.� (Leavitt 1998:187) �A primary tool that men use is magic�to enhance the growth of their crops, to lure pigs into their nets, to practice sorcery, to attract women, and more recently, to insure success in gambling games with playing cards. Performing magic lies almost exclusively within the domain of men, and it is intimately associated with the Bumbita conception of what men are.� (Leavitt 1998: 188) Adolescents as Students and Consumers Settersten, Jr., Richard A. and Ray, Barbara (2010) What�s Going on with Young People Today? The Long and Twisting Path to Adulthood. The Future of Children: 20(1): 19-41. In the United States the process of becom#ing an adult is more gradual and varied today than it was half a century ago. Lenhart, Amanda, Ling, Rich, Campbell, Scott, Purcell, Kristen (2010) Teens and Mobile Phones. Pew Research Center, April 20th, Available: Project/~/media//Files/Reports/2010/PIP-Teens-and-Mobile-2010-with-topline.pdf Precis Cell phone texting is now the preferred mode of communication between US teens and their friends. Girls typically text almost 3 times more often than boys. Older teens use their cell phones more than younger teens, however, 28 percent don�t use a cell phone at all. Some of the negative side effects of cell phone use are: driving while texting, receiving spam/unwanted texts, bullying harassment, sending or receiving a sext (sexually oriented text). �Among all teens, the frequency of use of texting has now overtaken the frequency of every other common form of interaction with their friends�Girls typically send and receive 80 texts a day; boys send and receive 30� (Lenhart 2010: 1) Allison, Anne (2008) Pocket Capitalism and Virtual Intimacy: Pok�mon as Symptom of Postindustrial Youth Culture. In Jennifer Cole, & Deborah Durham (Eds.), Figuring the Future: Globalism and the Temporalities of Children and Youth. Pp. 179-195. Sante Fe: School for Advanced Research Press. �Japan has emerged in the new millennium as a competitive producer of cutting-edge �cool� goods in the tough market of global youth culture, a market long dominated by the United States.� (Allison 2008: 180) �Most ten- to fourteen-year-olds return home after dark (the average time it 8 p.m.), eat alone, and are involved in exam preparation (44 percent attend cram school). Members of today�s generation are �amenbo kids,� children who, like water spiders, attach easily, but superficially, to multiple things�unsure that even hard work at school will guarantee job security as adults (as it once did for their parents), they (particularly girls) are absorbed in the immediacy of the present. The study calls teenage girls today the �sugar generation� for their attachment to immediate pleasures.� (Allison 2008: 181) Kincheloe, Joe L. (2002) The complex politics of McDonald�s and the new childhood: Colonizing kidworld. In Gaile S. Cannella & Joe L. Kincheloe (Eds.), Kidworld: Childhood Studies, Global Perspectives, and Education (pp. 75-121). New York: Peter Lang. �Driven by information technologies and media, these social changes have helped provide children with new degrees of control over the information they encounter. New technologies have allowed them to engage this information on their own time schedules in isolation from adult supervision�In this new private space children use their access to information and media productions to negotiate their own culture�This conflict between the empowerment and new agency that many children sense in the context of the new childhood versus the confinement and call for higher degrees of parental, educational, and social authority of the ideology of innocence has placed many children in confusing and conflicting social situations.� (Kincheloe, 2002: 78) The prolongation of childhood � Di, Zhu Xiao, Yang, Yi and Liu, Xiaodong (2002) Young American Adults living in parental homes. Joint Center for Housing Studies Harvard University Report W02-3, May. �2.3 million men and 1.5 million women in the United States between 25 and 34 years old still lived in their parents� houses. That is 12.5 percent of men and 7.9 percent of women of this age group�an interesting phenomenon is children�s changing expectations for successful independent living.� (Di 2002: online) �Authors interviewed co-resident adult children and asked if they were living at home because they could not afford to establish their own households or because they did not want to forego their parents� standard of living. They found that the adult children they interviewed were willing to forego some independence and tolerate some restrictions in order to have more luxuries. As the luxuries of the older generation have become necessities of the younger, the minimum level of earnings necessary for independent living may have risen. Our model results demonstrate strongly that young adults� personal income is the major factor that constrains them from independent living.� (Di 2002: online) Hartung, B.and K. Sweeney. 1991. Why Adult Children Return Home. Social Science Journal 28: 467-80. Chapter Nine: How Schools Can Raise Property Values A Tale of Two Lincolns Pugh, Allison J. (2006). Longing and Belonging: Parents, Children, and Consumer Culture. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press. �Affluent parents who moved [during the study] did so in whole or in part so that their children could attend the local schools in their new towns, pulling out of Oakland neighborhoods for the express purpose of pulling their children out of Oakland schools.� (Pugh 2009: 182) �It would not be overstating the case to say affluent parents in Oakland organized their lives to some degree around the matter of where their children would go to school. Parents talked of spending thousands of dollars on enrichment and camps and tens of thousands on private school...(Pugh 2009: 190) �For upper-income parents, pathway consumption often startd by choosing either private schools or what are essentially �private neighborhoods.�� (Pugh 2009: 191) ��Dorothy told me, in anticipation of her plans for Olivia�s middle school, that although they valued diversity enough to try the public schools to �see if they are good enough,� at the same time �we�re not going to sacrifice our kids� education for a principle like that.� �I spent a day in the public school classroom and thought, �I�I don�t have to send my kid here.� said Adrienne, an investment counselor. � (Pugh 2009: 191) �Differences could be polluting� �They were in fights almost every day,� said Janet, who quickly transferred her sons to Arrowhead. �I mean, physical fights.� Difference could threaten the innocence of children shielded from the experience of poverty. In this way, my informants echo the feelings of a San Francisco woman quoted in the local newspaper: �People say, �Don�t you want her to see the real world?� I say, �Not yet!��� (Pugh 2009: 195) This tale is rapidly becoming internationalized: Brison, Karen J. (2009) Shifting Conceptions of Self and Society in Fijian Kindergarten. Ethos 37(3): 314-333. �A shift toward class-based identities, particularly among the middle class, as parents with different means, knowledge, and aspirations, make school choices that increasingly separate children by social class.� (Brison 2009: 316) �A growing number of urban indigenous Fijian adults with secure professional jobs differentiate themselves from less prosperous relatives�by distancing themselves from local traditions through such measures as joining evangelical churches that locate individuals squarely with an international Christian community�This is part of a more general shift toward self-definition in an international �middle-class� culture defined by modernist values centering around self-discipline, individual achievement, and consumption of international products. Such parents send their children to multiethnic preschools to encourage them to speak English, believing that this will help them succeed in primary school and in later careers. This choice, in itself, indexes a greater emphasis on individual success than on preserving indigenous communal culture.� (Brison 2009: 316) The Rise of Schooling Kramer, Samuel Noah (1963) The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character. Chicago, IL: The University of Chicago Press. �In ancient Shuruppak, the home city of the Sumerian Noah, quite a number of school �textbooks� dating from about 2500 B.C. were excavated some fifty years ago, consisting of lists of gods, animals, artifacts, and a varied assortment of words and phrases.� (Kramer 1963: 229) �But none of these early tablets deals directly with the Sumerian school system, its organization and method of operation. For this type of information, we go to the first half of the second millennium B.C. From this later period excavators have discovered hundreds of practice-tablets filled with all sorts of exercises prepared by the pupils themselves as part of their daily schoolwork; the elegantly made signs of the far-advanced student about to become a �graduate.�� (Kramer 1963: 230) �Sumerian curriculum, then consisted primarily of studying, copying, and imitating the large and diversified group of literary compositions.� (Kramer 1963: 233) �The neophyte began his studies with quite elementary syllabic exercise such as tu-ta-ti, nu-na-ni, bu-ba-bi, zu-za, zi, etc. This was followed by the study and practice of a sign list of some nine hundred entries which gave single signs along with their pronunciation. Then came lists containing hundreds of words that had come to be written, for one reason or another, not by one sign but by a group of two or more signs. These were followed by collections containing literally thousands of words and phrases arranged according to meaning. Thus in the field of the �natural sciences,� there were lists of the parts of the animal and human body, of wild and domestic animals, of birds and fishes, of trees and plants, of stones and stars.� (Kramer 1963: 235) �The French who excavated ancient Mari far to the west of Nippur uncovered two rooms which definitely seem to show physical features that might be characteristic of a schoolroom; in particular, they contain several rows of benches made of baked brick, capable of seating one, two, and four people.� (Kramer 1963: 236) �The essay �Schooldays,� which deals with the day-to-day activities of the schoolboy as recounted by an �old grad� with some of the nostalgic details that the modern alumnus recounts at his class reunion, is one of the most human documents excavated in the ancient Near East. �Its simple, straightforward words reveal how little human nature has really changed throughout the millennia. �When he awakes he hurries his mother to prepare his lunch. In school he misbehaves and is caned more than once by the teacher and his assistants; we are quite sure of the rendering �caning� since the Sumerian sign consists of �stick� and �flesh.� As for the teacher, his pay seems to have been as meager then as it is now; at least, he is only too happy to make a �little extra� from parents to eke out his earnings.� (Kramer 1963: 237) �My headmaster read my tablet, said: �There is something missing,� caned me. (Kramer 1963: 238) �Why didn�t you speak Sumerian,� caned me. My teacher (ummia) said: �Your hand is unsatisfactory,� canned me. (And s) I (began to) hate the scribal art, (began to) neglect the scribal art. My teacher took no delight in me; (even) [stopped teaching (?)] me his skill in the scribal art; in no way prepared me in the matters (essential) to the art (of being) a �young scribe,�� (Kramer 1963: 239) �The Sumerian school was rather formidable and uninviting; the curriculum was �stiff,� the teaching methods drab, the discipline harsh. �The father seems to be especially hurt that his son refuses to follow his professional footsteps and become a scribe.� (Kramer 1963: 243) Chiera, Edward (1938/1966) They Wrote on Clay: The Babylonian Tablets Speak Today. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �Just as in the Middle Ages an expert craftsman would take under his protection some young boy as an apprentice to whom he taught his trade, so most of the scribes had some youth who was ambitious to enter the profession.� (Chiera 1938/1966: 165) �We have recovered from the ruins of the cities �textbooks� used by the pupils in their endeavor to master the language.� (Chiera 1938/1966: 166) �We still have the calligraphic models of the ancient schools, and the only difference from ours is that, instead of having the teacher�s models on alternate lines, they have them on the left-hand side of the tablet, leaving the right-hand side for the pupil.� (Chiera 1938/1966: 167) �Once the copy was completed and duly commented upon, it was unnecessary for the teacher to start all over again and write down the calligraphic model for the next pupil. All he has to do was pass his stylus over the first pupil�s work and so flatten it out that signs would disappear. Then the tablet was ready to be inscribed again.� (Chiera 1938/1966: 168) �We have found some of the independent efforts on the part of students so very badly written so as to make it impossible for a decipherer to recognize more than a few signs.� (Chiera 1938/1966: 169) Saggs, H. W. F. (1987) Everyday Life in Babylonia and Assyria. New York: Hippocrene Books. Accessed online 9/8/10 #HYPERLINK "/books/eliba/eliba.htm" \l "c10"##/books/eliba/eliba.htm#c10# It is, however, in the first quarter of the second millennium B.C. that we have our most extensive information about scribal schools. This information comes in the form of texts written in Sumerian by people trained in those very schools, giving a detailed account of what went on in them. It is clear in the first place that education was not in practice available to all, but was largely a privilege restricted to the children of the wealthy and influential, who could afford to maintain their children non-productively for a long period. The examination of the parentage of several hundred scribes shows that they were all sons of such men as governors, senior civil servants, priests or scribes. An occasional poor boy or orphan might be lucky enough to be sent to school if he were adopted by a wealthy man. It has sometimes been assumed that schools were necessarily attached to temples. This may well have been the case in some places and at some periods, but it was certainly not so for the period just after 2000 B.C. This is quite clear, because at this time such literary documents as we have all come from houses, not from temples. A number of buildings have been found which their excavators claimed, from their layout or the presence of school tablets near by, might have been school rooms. The most convincing of the buildings for which such claims have been made are two rooms, complete with benches, found at Mari. The school was known as 'the tablet house' (edduba). We do not at present know at exactly what age formal education began. An ancient tablet refers to it as 'early youth'. He lived at home, got up at sunrise and hurried off to school. If he happened to arrive late he was duly caned, and the same fate awaited him for any misdemeanour during school hours, or for failure to perform his exercises adequately. At school education consisted of copying out texts, and probably learning them off by heart. All this appears from an actual contemporary document. The Sumerian document gives some idea of the staffing of the school. At the top was the Headmaster, whose Sumerian titles meant literally 'the Expert' or 'the Father of the Tablet House'. Assisting him there was apparently a form-master, as well as specialists in particular subjects, such as Sumerian and mathematics. There seems also to have been a system of what might be called prefects or pupil-teachers, senior students called 'Big Brothers' who were responsible for knocking a certain amount of sense and Sumerian into the heads of their juniors. The school curriculum was long and rigorous, beginning, as we have seen, in 'early youth' (at eight or nine?) and going on to maturity. The first thing the student had to do was to become proficient in Sumerian. This involved copying out and memorising the long lists of names, technical terms, legal phrases, and so on, which had grown up in the course of the third millennium B.C. There were also texts dealing with Sumerian grammar, and others which served as dictionaries, giving Sumerian words with the Akkadian equivalents. The study of these also involved copying and memorising. Mathematics was an important part of the curriculum, for a scribe would have to know how to survey a field, or keep accounts, or calculate the number of bricks needed for a temple, or the supplies for an army. There exists one fragment of a text which some people think is a record of a student's examination, though unfortunately its broken condition leaves the exact sense in doubt. If it is to be taken in this way, it seems that the student was first asked to write out an exercise and afterwards to inscribe his name in the special archaic script employed for inscriptions cut in stone. With this successfully achieved the student was told 'You are a scribe', and was warned against conceit. It seems likely that this particular examination was one which the student had to take before he was allowed to proceed to more advanced work. Probably all classes of priests received an initial training as scribes, though as the qualifications for the priesthood were more rigorous than those for scribal training, not every category of priesthood was open to every scribe. Diviners, for example, had to be of good birth and good physique� Amongst the men at the top of the scribal profession were the high-ranking priests who presided at the great temple festivals: there are known a number of the rituals which they made use of in the course of their duties, and these texts, largely written in ideograms which served to make the understanding of them more difficult to anyone who had not been trained in this type of text generally contain a final note to the effect that only the initiated shall be allowed to see it. Gies, Frances and Gies, Joseph (1987) Marriage and the Family in the Middle Ages. New York: Harper and Row. �Thirteenth-century schools taught their Latin book learning only to clerical trainees.� (Gies and Gies 1987: 210) �Every day, each student was required to recite part of what he learned the day before, so �each succeeding day thus became the disciple of its predecessor.� Students were then required to write compositions imitating the authors they had studied. To ensure that their reading was retained and not �precipitated to flight by spurs,� each student daily had to memorize a poem or story and recite it. When they did poorly they were beaten.� (Gies and Gies 1987: 210) �A purpose common to the education of medieval clergy and nobles, as it was to that of apprentices, was the inculcation of self-control and of respect for authority.� (Gies and Gies 1987: 217) Crowston, Clare (2007) From School to Workshop: Pre-Training and Apprenticeship in Old Regime France. In Bert De Munck, Steven L. Kaplan, and Hugo Soly (Eds.), Learning on the Shop Floor: Historical Perspectives on Apprenticeship. Pp. 46-62. New York, NY: Berghahn Books. �Most Parisian parishes established one or more free charity schools in the second half of the seventeenth century. � Charity schools were intended to prevent poor children from falling into the ignorance that caused not only vice and impiety but brought the wrath of God in the form of cholera and other scourges. � The most important element of the schools� curriculum was religious instruction. � Boys (Crowston 2007: 50) generally studied religious, reading, writing and some arithmetic. Girls learned religion and reading, but little or no writing, and arithmetic was replaced with needlework.� (Crowston 2007: 51) �They decided that children must be taught to work by age seven or eight, if they were to be preserved from a life of debauchery. This early work experience would prepare them for the education they received in school. � The parish administrators thus resolved to establish two institutions in the parish where young children would be put to work. One institution would serve two hundred boys aged eight, who would be �employed in spinning silk to be used to make velvet and other types of fabric. The income earned from selling the boys� work would be used to feed and clothe them. � The spinning work was not intended to give the children a trade, but to give them a taste for work. Acquiring good work habits and discipline�� (Crowston 2007: 55) Public school. �Within each group, five classes of 125 students each spent two hours in class on each of their school days, so each student spent four hours in class a week. Children were admitted from the age of eight. �Each student was admitted for six years of study.� (Crowston 2007: 58) Cunningham, Hugh (1995) Children and Childhood in Western Society since 1500. New York: Longman. ��pueritia, up to the age of twelve for girls and fourteen for boys�was the time for education, with fathers having responsibility for sons, and mothers for daughters. Education for the vast majority of the population did not mean school; it meant a gradual initiation into the world of adult work, whether through a formal apprenticeship, or simply through carrying out more and more skilled tasks within the home or on the land�a mark of the fact that this was an initiating and learning stage [was] that children in it were not held to be fully criminally responsible.� (Cunningham 1995: 35) �In the cathedral schools of the middle ages, Ari�s argues, �as soon as he started going to school [probably between the ages of nine and twelve], the child immediately entered the world of adults. � school began to replace apprenticeship as a means of socialization.� (Cunningham 1995: 35) �There is evidence of age-grading in schools, so that adults and children were sepa-(Cunningham 1995: 35)rated, and children themselves put in different classes according to age. And thirdly, there was an imposition of discipline by teachers. Together these changes began to forge the modern linkage between childhood and school, and to create a separate world of childhood. � �the scholastic life� as pointing to the nineteenth century rather than the seventeenth century, far less the middle ages, as the period in which the most fundamental change occurred.� (Cunningham 1995: 36) �Erasmus [in the early 16th century]placed considerable emphasis on early education�It was a much greater crime, he claimed, to neglect early education (Cunningham 1995: 43) than to commit infanticide. Erasmus made great play with the time and money people spent on training their dogs or horses compared with the neglect of their children. And he believed that nature had implanted in children the seeds of a desire for knowledge, and a power of memory greater than at any other age. But they needed to be shaped: �The child that nature has given you is nothing but a shapeless lump��Erasmus compared a child to wax, to be moulded while it is soft. Anslem in the twelfth century had also used the wax image, but he has described young children as like wax which was too nearly liquid to mould into shape; one had to wait until the time of adolescentia.� (Cunningham 1995: 44) ��he had written that �a constant element of enjoyment must be mingled with our studies so that we think of learning as a game rather than a form of drudgery, for no activity can be con-(Cunningham 1995: 44)tinued for long if it does not to some extent afford pleasure to the participant��Schools�, he lamented, �have become torture-chambers; you hear nothing but the thudding of the stick, the swishing of the rod, howling and moaning, and shouts of brutal abuse.�� (Cunningham 1995: 45) �God gave us �children to be raised in the ways of religion�, and to neglect that was �more than simply a venial sin�.� (Cunningham 1995: 46)�the family should be a nursery of both church and state, training the young for service.� (Cunningham 1995: 47) ��a pious, disciplined, obedient, and teachable child?� There we have it, the model child of the Protestant Reformation.� (Cunningham 1995: 48) �The increasing privacy and comfort of upper- and middle-class family life was part and parcel of this focus on the individuality of the child. The community and the extended family lost their role as arbiters of moral issues�The move towards a more child-oriented society was challenged at every stage, and never completed.� (Cunningham 1995: 62) �In the sixteenth-century Castile, both boys and girls helped to collect firewood, to herd livestock, to assist with ploughing, to collect or destroy aphids or worms on the vines, and to rear silkworms�schooling tended to be concentrated in the winter months, when it was difficult to find ways in which children could contribute to the family economy.� (Cunningham 1995: 83) �What could schooling offer to the lower classes of Europe in the early modern period? First, religious education. This was the main motivation for the foundation of schools in the sixteenth century.� (Cunningham 1995: 101) �A second reason why parents may have encouraged or forced their children to attend school may be described as secular. Schools taught reading�[3rd reason]�parents may have sent their children to school is that the school could provide a convenient child-minding service.� (Cunningham 1995: 102) �At an age when the child clearly interfered with the productivity of the parents, particularly if the mother had to try to find work outside the home, it might be worth paying out a small weekly fee to have the child looked after�Attendance at school was normally intermittent and irregular. In rural areas schooling might well be confined to the winter months.� (Cunningham 1995: 103) Alternative =run free in the streets. �[Schooling was,] in early modern England, a repressive regime, governed autocratically, sustained by corporal punishment and tempered only by the master�s mildness, incapacity, or financial dependence upon his pupils. Children were likely to look for any means of subverting or escaping from such regimes.� (Cunningham 1995: 105) Note similarity to Village Schools. 1. Instruction in foreign tongue and punishment for speaking in native tongue. 2. Rote memorization without true literacy or understanding. 3. Lack of appropriate desk. 4. Corporal punishments for infractions and failure to perform adequately. Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. ��the basic prayers in Latin. This made learning to read a different process from today for many children, because is was in an unfamiliar language. Pupils would learn to recognize words and pronounce them, but they could not understand the meaning without being told. Chaucer�s picture of a school in the �Prioress�s Tale� depicts two pupils at this stage of learning...singing the praise of the Virgin, [a] younger boy, through listening, learns the first verse by heart. He asks [an] older pupil what it means, by this boy is not sure�He explains the defect in his knowledge thus, �I learn song; I know but little grammar (Orme 2003: 266). Chaucer, Geoffrey. The Riverside Chaucer, ed. Larry, D. Benson, 3rd edn. (Oxford, 1988). Orme, Nicholas (2006) Medieval Schools: From Roman Britain to Renaissance England. London: Yale University Press. �Most pupils probably began to read, sing, or memorise psalms without fully knowing their meaning. �Only later, as they learnt Latin grammar, syntax, and vocabulary, would they come to understand what they read. �Latin shared little in common with the languages of the British Isles. It had to be learnt as a foreign tongue.� (Orme 2006: 28) �Why did children learn their first texts in Latin rather than English, which would have been easier to understand? The answer is that the immediate goal of teaching the alphabet was to enable pupils to read prayers�a not inappropriate goal in a Christian society where prayer-books and service-books were the commonest kinds of books�The practice of making children do their earliest reading in Latin, rather than English, meant that�Beginners at school learnt to recognize words and pronounce them, but they could not understand what they read unless they were told.� (Orme 2006: 59) Some masters tried to control discipline on the benches by appointing one or more boys to the post of custos. They had the duty of reporting their colleagues for speaking English or other misdemeanours.�(Orme 2006: 145)�In 1484 the grammar master of Southwell Minster was charged with letting his boys speak English, not Latin, in school.� (Orme 2006: 148) �Some of the pupils are characterized as lazy or negligent. They are punished by beatings with a whip or rods. A culprit is ordered to take off his cowl, presumably to strip, and two assistants are used to hold him down while he is thrashed.� (Orme 2006: 45) �Pictures of schools at work show the master in his chair, never walking about. He sits grasping the birch�a bundle of twigs�that formed his badge of office, and once or twice a boy is shown standing before him to be examined. Boys came to him, not he to them, just as the lord of a household sat and was approached by his retainers. The master gave a lesson or issued commands from his chair, and periodically called out boys to be questioned or examined, the process know as �apposing.� The birch was used to punish indiscipline and inability to answer. It was the favoured tool of English schoolmasters.� (Orme 2006: 144) �We also hear of the ferule, a wooden rod employed for hitting the hand; its striking end was pierced with a hole that raised a blister. This appears to have been used for minor offences, and (Orme 2006: 144) references to it are rarer than those to the birch. Some masters tried to control discipline on the benches by appointing one or more boys to the post of custos. They had the duty of reporting their colleagues for speaking English or other misdemeanours. How often the birch was applied is hard to say, but it was probably a common penalty.� (Orme 2006: 145) �Parents, of course, might not wish to teach their children, or might have insufficient time for the task. When that happened and some other suitable (Orme 2006: 61) person had to be found, the clergy were an obvious choice, especially for boys.� (Orme 2006: 62)�By the fifteenth century�parish clerks [are] teaching groups of boys.� (Orme 2006: 63) �Seven was a suitable age to start school, since it was viewed as the point of transition from infancy to childhood. At this age boys were believed to become more fully male in gender, capable of looking after themselves, and eligible to be tonsured as clerks. It was an appropriate time for them to move from care by women to rule by men.� (Orme 2006: 129) �The children of serfs (or villeins, as serfs were known in England)�faced a legal bar to their schooling, since lords of manors insisted that their villeins� children could not be educated without their permission.� (Orme 2006: 131) �The pictorial sources usually show the pupils sitting around the master on simple forms (meaning benches), holding books on their laps�The boys would therefore have lined the room, looking inwards, often (as pictures show) without desks in front of them on which to rest books or writing materials. [they were to] use their knees for a table.�� (Orme 2006: 139) �Schooling was considered to deliver two main qualities virtue and learning. Virtue meant religious knowledge, pious observances, and moral values.� (Orme 2006: 159) �Learning Latin, with the bonus that you also learnt to spell and write French or English, equipped you for a wide range of careers. You could live or work as a gentleman, a cleric, a lawyer, a merchant or tradesman, a yeoman farmer, or a secretarial clerk.� (Orme 2006: 159) �This period from 1200 to 1500 and even later, then, was one of relative obscurity for English schoolmasters. We can see why this was so. Their limited numbers, their geographical isolation, and their modest economic importance all told against them.� (Orme 2006: 185) Lyon, Karen (2009) Educating Ben: Johnson�s School Days. Folger Magazine, Fall : 22-25. �Ben Johnson was born in 1572. �Elizabethan classrooms were big drafty spaces, often converted from chapels; they were noisy and dirty, freezing in the winter, and dark at both ends of the school day.� (Lyon 2009: 22) �Elementary school teachers were largely untrained and, as historian David Cressy notes, many �were little more than child-minders. � Teaching methods consisted mainly of repetitive oral drills.� (Lyon 2009: 23) Consensus of opinion that early education was so harsh and boring that it was loathed by students. ��Johnson later commented of one schoolmaster that he spent his days �sweeping his living from the posteriors of little children.� � Beatings were common, and the slightest infraction was likely to incur the use of a birch rod or a ferrule, a sort of rules used to whack the outstretched palms of the miscreant.� (Lyon 2009: 24) �Education was one way to lay claim to being a gentleman.� (Lyon 2009: 25) Bai, Limin (2005) Shaping the Ideal Child: Children and Their Primers in Late Imperial China. Hong Kong: The Chinese University Press. �Wrapping newborns in swaddling clothes was a traditional practice.� (Bai 2005: 2) �[Chinese characters here] one of the most common words for children. One interpretation for the early form of this character emphasizes the two arms of a new-born child but not two legs, as Chinese scholars generally agree �that the undivided line downwards suggests that enwrapping swaddling clothes confining and concealing the infant�s legs.�� (Bai 2005: 2) �Expressions such as �Your intelligence is at a child�s level� were often used to pour scorn on an adult�s intellectual inferiority. An adult�s naivety or poor judgment was also regarded as childish, and all uneducated people were seen as ignorant as a child.� (Bai 2005: 5) �The foetal environment was believed by the ancient Chinese to have a significant impact not only on the developing foetus but also on the child�s temperament and moral status after birth and in its later life. This idea is know as �foetal education� (taijiao).� (Bai 2005: 9) �Foetal poisoning was no doubt a serious threat to children�s lives and health, so the theory of foetal education often urged pregnant women to be cautious about their diet and lifestyle. This theory also laid the foundation for serious concerns about the physical and moral qualities of wet nurses.� (Bai 2005: 10) �Don�t allow it to see strange things. �adopted by later generations of medical advisers. On the surface this advice seems only to place stress on giving the infant on a tranquil and protective environment.� (Bai 2009: 11) �It was not until the seventh year that the child was considered to have passed the most dangerous period, so the word dao was used to express grief over the death of a child at this age.� (Bai 2009: 17) �The ancient Chinese also believed that in this year the child developed well� in its emotional progress, namely that it began to show shame and embarrassment. So this became another meaning of the word dao.� (Bai 2009: 17) �Evidently in ancient China it was at this stage that the child began to be treated as an actual social being, with confidence in its physical, intellectual, and emotional maturity. Before this age, according to Zhou law, the child did not have legal responsibility for any wrongdoing.� (Bai 2009: 17) �In the Han and thereafter that in the Zhou dynasty the sons of emperors and their aristocratic children started their schooling at eight. In this ideal, aristocratic childhood children were under the system of protection and teaching (baofu) from the moment they were born.� (Bai 2009: 19) Word book=5000 characters �In both pre-Han and Han times, the study of Chinese characters (named xiaoxue, or lesser learning) was the focus of the elementary education curriculum. Wordbooks, which emerged to teach basic literacy skill, were therefore the earliest form of traditional Chinese literacy primer.� (Bai 2009: 21) �At the beginning of the Song the court valued Confucianism highly and ordered school to be founded in every county and prefecture. Local taxes were used to fund the schools and, according to Lu You (1125-1210), ordinary people at the time regarded educational taxation (xueliang) as a burden and their complaints were heard everywhere.� (Bai 2009: 24) �Lu You called village schools dongzxue, or winter schools, because sons of farmers were sent there only in winter.� (Bai 2009: 25) �Cunshu, meaning �textbooks used in village schools,� then emerged as a new type of wordbook to teach farmers� children basic literacy skills.� (Bai 2009: 25) �The essence of Wang Yangming�s proposal was to keep children �happy and cheerful at heart.� Wang Yangming also disapproved of the curriculum of formal education in the Ming. At the time, children were forced to �recite phrases and sentences and imitate civil service examination papers� every day. Wang Yangming sharply pointed out that this hampered children�s development.� (Bai 2009: 50) �During the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries�social mobility was especially evident not only in the fact that many merchant families went into the bureaucracy, but also in the phenomenon that some old gentry families were involved in commerce. Class distinction thus became less significant. Economic affluence allowed more people to participate in education, and education was associated with social reform.� (Bai 2009: 50) �Manners in school�In pre-modern China the authority of a teacher in school was equal to hat of parents at home; sometimes the task of instruction was taken over by children�s fathers or other elders of the family.� (Bai 2009: 75) �In pre-modern China, training in table manners also had a place in elementary education.� (Bai 2009: 76) �Not all texts on rituals and good manners were devised directly for children. Some of them were actually intended for teachers who were expected to teach children basic etiquette at the beginning of schooling. This type of teaching manual existed as early as the Song.� (Bai 2009: 78) Strong suggestion that teaching began in school and went home. �The first six parts of L� Kun�s Rituals for Nourishing Children were devoted to instructions about how to care for and nourish children before they started their schooling, and included such things as the way to handle a crying infant. There were also suggestions that parents should not fee young children elaborate food but simple (Bai 2009: 78) food; and they should dress youngsters not in silk or fur but in plain clothes; and should not let young children slap anyone�s face or swear at other people. However, the text did not elaborate on rituals as other manuals did. Instead, it focused on issues concerning reading and writing, such as how to make ink, how to use a brush, and how to write characters.� (Bai 2009: 79) �Pupils were required to be filial to parents at home. If they were not, their fathers and elder brothers could report them to the schoolteacher, and they could be punished.� (Bai 2009: 85) �Confucian proper children and childhood prodigies seemed never to have been attracted to ordinary children�s play.� (Bai 2009: 115) �As early as in the Song, Chinese officials were aware of children in poverty and then then government �was the first ever in Chinese history to officially take on the responsibility to establish orphanages.� (Bai 2009: 153) �Few abandoned children survived, as the institutions were often short of resources, for example, one wet-nurse had to look after several infants and was not able to provide all of them with enough nutrition. Therefore, some scholar-officials, such as Peng Yunzhang of the Qing, advocated the reform of the system. He suggested that this kind of institution should be abolished and financial support should be offered to those poor parents who would then be able to nurse their own children instead of abandoning them to institutions. According to him, the number of abandoned children was increasing.� (Bai 2009: 153) �While peasant children had to join the labour force at an early age, youngsters from elite families received an education that aimed to implant Confucian moral values.� (Bai 2009: 159) �Peasants did not see any financial gains from the basic education their children received, and few children could reach a level that would make them successful in the civil service examinations, due either to financial difficulties or to the lack of ability. This is why L� Kun was worried that peasant parents would refuse to send their children to school, and that without a basic Confucian education the children of the poor would not be lawabiding subjects.� (Bai 2009: 164) Rawson, Beryl (2003) Children and Childhood in Roman Italy. Oxford: Oxford University Press. �Quintilian believed that learning through play was to be cultivated from an early age. He had argued that from the earliest years some forms of learning should be encouraged. The young child had a retentive memory, so take advantage of it, he said: aphorisms, famous sayings, and selections from poetry could all help children retain moral principles. Again, it was the constant presence of the nurse which helped develop elementary ethics and literacy. But, he said, he was not ignorant of age differentials (acetates); so the very young should not be pressed too hard or asked to do real work. �For our highest priority must be that the child, who cannot yet love learning, does not come to hate it and carry beyond the early years a fear of the bitterness once tasted.� (Rawson 2003: 127) �Elementary education was carried out in the home in a child�s early years.� (Rawson 2003: 157) Original Helicopter parent NOT a parent!... �Quintilian emphasizes the importance of group learning, for its pedagogical and socializing benefits, in his lengthy discussion of schools versus private tutors. He addresses the two main arguments against schools: a child�s morals are especially at risk at a young age in the company of many other children, and a teacher who has to divide his time amongst a number of children cannot give the individual attention to one which a private tutor (Rawson 2003:162) can. He admits that there is evidence of bad influence on boys at schools, but argues that such influences can occur at home too (from tutor, household slaves, or over-indulgent parents). A trustworthy chaperone (usually a paedagogus) is recommended to accompany the child to school and remain with the child there.� (Rawson 2003: 163) �Competition was intense at these festivals�Composition and delivery of Greek and Latin prose and verse were appropriate preparations for future orators, and those boys who had ambitions for future public life looked to prizes in these competitions to spur them on their way.� (Rawson 2003: 327) Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya (2002). Model children and models for children in Early Mexico. In Tobias Hecht (Ed.), Minor Omissions: Children in Latin American History and Society. Pp. 52-71). Madison, WI: University of Wisconsin Press. �At age twelve, boys went to the telpocalli, or House of Youth, where their instructors taught them civic responsibilities and how to soldier. Girls went to a separate school where they were taught womanly arts such as weaving and how to do the complex featherwork so valued in ancient Mexico. Both boys and girls also learned their history, traditions, and religious practices. Boys and girls of the nobility could also enter a separate school, the calmecac, which destined them for the priesthood. Their curriculum included reading and writing the pictographic language of the region, prophecy, and the intricacies of the ritual calendar.� (Lipsett-Rivera, Sonya 2002: 57) Durantini, Mary Frances (1979) The Child in Seventeenth-Century Dutch Painting. Ann Arbor: University of Microfilms International. From List of Illustrations� Joost van Geel, A Visit to the Nursery Museum Boymans-van Beuningen, Rotterdam Both schooling and education by the parents at home� �By the seventeenth century education, at least on the primary level, had become widespread. In the Netherlands, as in most Protestant countries, the primary purpose of education was to impart religious fundamentals and therefore was a matter which the church and state supervised closely. To properly educate a child to take his place in society as a worthy adult was a fundamental duty at the time of not only parents but the community as well. As a result this was a period of relatively high literacy. The Dutch Republic seems to have been the only country in Europe in the seventeenth century to successfully advocate and enforce a system of universal education. The schooling of everyone including peasants, was a matter of Dutch pride.� (Durantini 1979: 91) Scenes of mothers reading with children at home� �It was thought that the human child, like the bear cub, was, in its original state, an unruly, untamed, ill-shaped entity until the exertions of adults �licked� or �beat� the child into its proper shape�either by the tongue (lessons) or by physical violence�In The Village School in Dublin the boy again is being punished for mistakes in his lessons, as witnessed by the crumpled sheet of paper covered with blots an scribbles lying on the floor between the teacher and pupil, and placed directly beneath the hand the boy holds out for the blow from the ferule.� (Durantini 1979: 120) �Physical punishment was regarded as an essential pedagogical tool from Antiquity. Until the sixteenth century is was accepted almost unquestioningly as an inevitable facet of the schoolboy�s life�It is in the sixteenth century England, as public schools increased in number and learning became more widespread, that we find a new concern about the conditions under which schoolboys labored. Humanist writers believed that children profited most when they experienced learning as a pleasant activity. Physical discipline made them fear and loath it�Brinsley, who began to teach in 1590s �laments that children are afraid to come to school and wish to leave as soon as possible because of the severity and fredquency of the whippings.� (Durantini 1979: 125) �In each instance we find a teacher seated at a desk before which stands a small group of pupils. Instruction is achieved by individual study and recitation. We typically find one child reading aloud a passage from a book which the teacher indicates with his stylus. The teacher often holds a switch or ferule in his free hand, just in case the child should make a mistake.� (Durantini 1979: 133) �The Dutch unruly school scenes continue this tradition of questioning and criticizing the education at hand. The disorder continues to be characterized by degrees of chaos or improper behavior by both the teacher and the students. The disorder usually occurs in peasant schools. One of the most violently unruly versions of this theme is Pieter de Bloot�s Raucous School. Here we see a large figure, with a pen stuck in his hat, brandishing a broom at a group of children who have been knocked on the floor. Other children seemingly battle or try to protect themselves with a wooden bench. In the doorway in the center is a laughing old man, while on the left other children try to read. The uncontrolled, topsy-turvy nature of the scene is most strikingly (p. 153) expressed by this tumultuous activity. Other details, such as the ferule in the hat of the child on the left and the book and switch on the floor suggest disorder. In this instance the traditional symbols of authority and punishment are in the wrong hands or go unused. They are instead ineffectively replaced by the broom, a tool of housewives and maids.� (Durantini 1979: 154) �The children misbehave by fighting or mocking the teacher, who, in turn, may be unable to control the situation or else is ignorant of it�The master of the disorderly school theme is Jan Steen who repeated it several times around 670. Although he continues to depict a very large room with numerous active figures, he is able to focus upon the very essence of the subject: that the lack of vigilance on the part of the teacher leads to chaos and provides the opportunity for all sorts of impermissible actions.� (Durantini 1979: 154) Heywood, Colin 2001. A History of Childhood: Children and Childhood in the West from Medieval to Modern Times. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. �Early modern Sweden provides the outstanding example: inspired by the Protestant Reformation, a Church Law of 1686 stipulated that children and servants should �learn to read and see with their own eyes what God bids and commands in His Holy Word�. The onus was on parents to do the teaching, and on Lutheran priests to hold regular examinations in reading and the catechism. The example of parish of Skan�r reveals 58 per cent of the population able to read in 1702, and 92 per cent by 1740. Everywhere in the West the churches took it upon themselves to instruct young people in the Christian faith, by means of sermons and catechism classes. The very wealthiest parents in medieval and Renaissance Europe often hired a private tutor to teach their children at home.� (Heywood 2001: 159) �Incompetent or immoral tutors were as thick on the ground as good ones.� (Heywood 2001: 160) �If the school came to loom increasingly large in the lives of young people, it did so in an extremely long-drawn-out process (p. 161)� the seventeenth century stands out as a period of waning enthusiasm for popular schooling after the surge of interest during the sixteenth century. At the very end of the period, the early stages of the Industrial Revolution in their turn began to undermine working-class schooling in various parts of Western Europe.� (p. 164) �About 1880 Aurelia Roth strug- (Heywood 2001: 166) gled in her Bohemian village with long hours grinding glass, often having to miss her lessons. I didn�t get much time to learn and still less to play�, she wrote, �but it hurt me the most if I had to skip school.� During the same period, Fritz Pauk described the classroom as a welcome relief from heavy work on the farm, but admitted that there was not much to learn at his little village school beyond the catechism and �innumerable Bible passages.� (Heywood 2001: 167) �The underlying problem for teachers was always boredom in the class. The traditional method of teaching children to read was to drill him or her first in the letters of the alphabet, secondly in syllables, and finally in recognizing words. The children spend a few minutes with the teacher individually going over their work, while the rest were left to their own devices. The result was generally anarchic, prompting hard-pressed teachers to lay into their restless and unruly charges in an attempt to maintain some control.� (Heywood 2001: 167) Mintz, Steven (2004) Huck�s Raft: A History of American Childhood. Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press. 1800� �It was, however, at this very moment that modern childhood was invented. Confined at first to the urban middle class, and initially limited to the years from birth to thirteen or fourteen, modern childhood was to be free from labor and devoted to schooling� Middle-class parents sheltered their children from the workplace and economic struggles and kept them in school and the family home longer than in the past. As a result, the stages of middle-class childhood were more carefully delineated, and passage through these stages became more predictable.� (Mintz 2004: 76) Anderson-Levitt, Kathryn M. (2002) Teaching Cultures: Knowledge for Teaching First Grade in France and the United States. Cresskill, NJ: Hampton Press, Inc. �The idea that school should interest children was considered a radical new pedagogical philosophy in the United States of the 1840s�It contradicted schoolmasters� prior assumptions that only a sense of duty or the master�s cane would motivate their learners. Yet it had become important to maintain students� interest at least in part because the interested student was an attentive student.� (Anderson-Levitt 2002: 82) Studies suggesting that impact of widespread public schooling on intelligence and cognitive development was enormous. However, since 1970, there has been a leveling or decline in intellectual growth beyond Elementary School� Morrison, Fredrick J., Griffith, Elizabeth McMahon, and Frazier, Julie A. (1996) Schooling and the 5 to 7 shift: A natural experiment. In Edited by Arnold J. Sameroff and Marshall M. Haith (Eds.), The Five to Seven Year Shift: The Age of Reason and Responsibility. Pp. 161-186. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. �For the past few years, we have been experimenting with the use of a �natural experiment� (designated �school cutoff�) that permits assessment of the influence of a culturally valued learning experience (i.e. schooling ) and circumvents some, if not all, of the serious biases found in other research�In essence our methodology involves selecting groups of children, who just make versus miss the designated cutoff for school entry. By selecting children whose birthdates cluster closely on either side of the cutoff date, we can effectively equate two groups of children chronologically on some target psychological skill or process.� (Morrison 1996: 163) �Clearly, the cognitive skills of children change in important ways during this age period. Further, as our research documents, one salient environmental change, namely going to school, is respon-(Morrison 1996: 180)sible for major and, in some instances, unique shift to those cognitive skills.� (Morrison 1996: 181) Flynn, James R. (2007) What is Intelligence? Beyond the Flynn Effect. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press �As figure 1 showed, Full Scale IQ gains in America are impressive. I am a grandparents and a member of the WISC generation who were aged 5 to 15 when they were tested in 1947-1948. (Flynn 2007: 18) Let us put our IQ at 100. Our children are essentially the WISC-8 generation who were 6-16 when tested in 1972 and, against the WISC norms, their mean IQ was almost 108. Our grandchildren are the WISC-IV generation who were 6-16 in 2002 and, against the WISC norms, their IQ was almost 118. We can of course work backward rather then forward. If present generation is put at 100, their grandparents have a mean IQ of 82. Either today�s children are so bright that they should run circles around us, or their grandparents were so dull that it is surprising that they could keep a modern society ticking over.� (Flynn 2007: 19) �In either event, the cognitive gulf between the generations should be huge. Taking the second scenario, almost 20 percent of my generation would have had an IQ of 70 or below and be eligible to be classed as mentally retarded [MR]. Over 60 percent of American blacks would have been MR. Anyone born before 1940 knows that all of this is absurd.� (Flynn 2007: 19) �The huge Raven�s gains show that today�s children are far better at solving problems on the spot without previously learned method for doing so.� (Flynn 2007: 19) #�Between 1972 and 2002, US schoolchildren made no gain in their store of general information and only minimal vocabulary gains. Therefore, while today�s children may learn to master pre-adult literature at a younger age, they are no better prepared for reading more demanding adult literature.� (Flynn 2007: 20) �In other words, today�s schoolchildren opened up an early lead on their grandparents by learning the mechanics of reading at an earlier age. But by age 17, their grandparents had caught up. And since current students are no better than their grandparents in terms of vocabulary and general information, the two generations at 17 are dead equal in their ability to read the adult literature expected of a senior in high school�From 1973 to 2000, the Nation�s Report Card shows fourth and eighth graders making mathematics gains equivalent to almost 7 IQ points. These put the young children of today at the 68h percentile of their parent�s generation. But once again, the gain falls off at the twelfth grade, this time to literally nothing.� (Flynn 2007: 21) �My hypothesis is that during the period in which children mastered calculating skills at an earlier age, they made no progress in acquiring mathematical reasoning skills. (Flynn 2007: 22) �The Wechsler-Binet rate of gain (0.30 points per year) entails that the schoolchildren of 1900 would have had a mean IQ just under 70�To make our ancestors that lacking in problem-solving initiative is to turn them into virtual automatons.� (Flynn 2007: 23) �The solution to this paradox rests on two distinctions that explain in turn the huge and therefore embarrassing gains made on the Similarities subtest and Raven�s. The first distinction is between pre-scientific and post-scientific operational thinking. A person who views the world through pre-scientific spectacles thinks in terms of the categories that order perceived objects and functional relationships. When presented with a Similarities-type item such as �what do dogs and rabbits have in common,� Americans in 1900 would be likely to say, �You use dogs to hunt rabbits.� The correct answer, that they are both mammals, assumes that the important thing about the world is to classify it in terms of the categories of science.� (Flynn 2007: 24) Bush Schools Resistance to indigenization: Tassinari, Antonella Imperatriz and Cohn, Clarice (2009) �Opening to the Other�: Schooling among the Karipuna and Mebengokr�-Xikrin of Brazil. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 40(2): 150-169. �The Xikrin and the Karipuna are both very enthusiastic about school�The schools they support and value are not part of the �differentiated Indigenous education� that is so highly regarded in contemporary Brazilian politics�it seems to be exactly the distance from their own learning processes and knowledge that leads them to value these experiences of schooling.� (Tassinari 2009: 150) �The Indigenous demand for various levels of education has involved their claim to early childhood education.� (Tassinari 2009: 163) Village Schools Akabayashi, Hideo and Psacharopoulos, George (1999) The Trade-Off Between Child Labour and Human Capital Formation: A Tanzanian Case Study. Journal of Development Studies 25(5): 120-140. �Studies show that many children who attend school also work on the farm or on the street in developing countries.� (Akabayashi 1999: 121) �Delayed enrolment in primary school is quite common in Tanzania. � Although formal primary education starts at age seven in Tanzania, the attendance rate at age eight is only 40 per cent. The attendance rate becomes about 85 per cent at the age of 13. School attendance is further delayed in the Tanga region by about one year, relative to the national average. Figure 2 shows hours of work per day by children aged 7-14 [increases sharply to about age 14 and then drops off sharply] in the Tanga region, as taken from the sample. Most children work regardless of their school attendance.� (Akabayashi 1999: 122) �The results show that there tends to be a trade-off between a child�s (Akabayashi 1999: 134) development of basic skills and long hours of work, directly or indirectly. �roughly speaking, the introduction of electricity may improve the probability of a girl�s being able to read by 16 percentage points.� (Akabayashi 999: 138) Chatty, Dawn (2006) Boarding Schools for Mobile Peoples: The Harasiis in the Sultanate of Oman. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 212-230. Oxford: Berghan Books. �For the most part, educating children of marginalized and mobile communities has proved difficult due to three principal political, economic and structural factors. The locally perceived purpose of state education is recognized as unsympathetic to mobile communities. Its underlying aim is often to establish political hegemony over a disparate set of communities, and to integrate and assimilate minority groups.�(Chatty 2006: 212) �With mobile peoples, the unwillingness to be so drawn in, �modernized�, settled or transformed is often expressed by moving away and keeping out of reach of the state�s long arm.� (Chatty 2006: 213) �Economic factor is often also at the heart of mobile communities� initial willingness to keep their children in school. This is the hope that such education will provide the youth with the tools and skills required to get well-paid jobs in industry (often petroleum and other large-scale extractive industries) and businesses. �This hope is generally dashed as the national curriculum is nearly always geared toward the sedentarization and modernization of the mobile community. �The administrative and infrastructural demands of setting up school facilities in remote parts of a state are often overwhelming. �Not only is there difficulty in keeping such units staffed by state-educated teachers, but linguistically, there is often the problem of language. Many mobile and pastoral communities have a mother tongue that differs from the national language.� (Chatty 2006: 213) �The Harasiis is a small mobile community of about 3,000 people inhabiting the edge of the Empty Quarter in south-eastern Arabia.� (Chatty 2006: 214) �By 1994 the Haima school had 120 boys and 22 girls enrolled. The sudden climb in female enrolment was due to the efforts of the women who, having grown tired of petitioning year after year for a residence for girls, took matters into their own hands and set up a system of boarding girls in a makeshift dormitory in the sand on the edge of Haima.� (Chatty 2006: 227) �Also in 1994, the first high school graduates, seven young men, took their high school diplomas and became eligible for recruitment into the Army and the national oil company as skilled workers. For the Harasiis this was a major achievement. At last their youth could compete for the higher paid jobs that had until then always gone to rival tribesman.� (Chatty 2006: 227) �It brought formal, state education into the heart of the desert, providing girls with basic numeracy and reading skills, and boys with some of the necessary tools to seek skilled employment �The Haima School, by providing education from primary level to secondary level, has become an instrument for limited success, providing a select few youths with potential access to well-paid and skilled jobs in the desert.� (Chatty 2006: 227) Dyer, Caroline and Choksi, Archana (2006) With God�s Grace and with Education, We Will Find a Way: Literacy, Education, and the Rabaris of Kutch, India. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 159-174. Oxford: Berghan Books. ��transhumant pastoralist group, the Rabaris of Kutch in Gujarat India�� (Dyer 2006: 159) �Rabaris are devout Hindus�� (Dyer 2006: 161) �Education, in this respect, means schooling for children. Although Rabaris know that the quality of village schools in Kutch is tempered by teacher absenteeism and corporal punishment: and that children may make slow progress in becoming literate, the �education� they seek is most likely to be available through this channel. However, this presents logistical difficulties. One solution, which is extreme and may be precipitated by animal disease or misfortune, but is also increasingly positive choice, is to sedentarise specifically to allow children to gain access to the village primary school. This decision may leave parents dependent on day laboring jobs since the (Dyer 2006: 168) local ecology of Kutch cannot support many pastoralists. This is a risk for which some parents are prepared, as this Dhebar mother explained: �We returned just for the education of our children. We thought, we are illiterate and if we stay with herding, our children will remain illiterate too. So we came back just for our children.� A related option, which ushers in a more gradual process of adaptation, is to treat schooling as an �insurance policy� within pastoralism. Typically this involves leaving a son at home in the village with an elderly family member so he can go to school and eventually get a job, and support the family if necessary, should pastoralism cease to be a viable option.� (Dyer 2006: 169) �However, for the pastoralists with whom we migrated, the �education� they sought was not literacy within pastoralism. Indeed, because of their view that pastoralism itself is outmoded, the very idea seemed to them a retrograde step which would keep them �backward�. Since the adaptation of pastoralism along the commercial lines advocated by the state did not make any sense to them, what they sought was a way forward, out of pastoralism.� (Dyer 2006: 171) Rao, Aparna (1998) Autonomy: Life Cycle, Gender, and Status among Himalayan Pastoralists. Oxford: Berghahn Books. �The tendency of powerful families to monopolize such schools and exclude those not belonging to their power group, the shortage of teachers and their tendency to come from wealthy families, and finally the problem of linguistic medium of instruction�all play a role in reducing the actual number of children going to school.� (Rao 1998: 109) Edwards, Bill and Underwood, Bruce (2006) Changes in Education as Hunters and Gatherers Settle: Pitjantjatjara Education in South Australia. In Caroline Dyer (Ed.), The Education of Nomadic Peoples: Current Issues, Future Prospects. Pp. 101-119. Oxford: Berghan Books. �As families began to settle, a mission school with one teacher opened at Ernabella on 1 March 1940. The early classes were held in the open in the mornings only, with children encouraged to engage in traditional games and food gatherings in the afternoons. The children lived in camp conditions with their families and continued to hear traditional stories and to observe ceremonies. School attendance was spasmodic as families moved back to their homelands. The school and other activities at Ernabella usually closed during the summer and late winter for holiday periods and the residents were encouraged to visit their clan territories. These periods were used for initiations and other traditional ceremonial purposes. The Ernabella Mission School was notable as the only Aboriginal school where a policy of vernacular education was followed consistently for several decades.� (Edwards 2006: 108) Barley, Nigel (1983/2000) The Innocent Anthropologist: Notes from a Mud Hut. Long Grove, IL: Waveland. Remote people from Cameroonian Highlands, mixed farming, herding. �Traditionally guarding and herding are done by small boys but nowadays these must be sent to school. The result is that cattle are allowed to wander about the fields and inflict great damage on the crops.� (Barley 1983/2000: 58) Frost, Joe L. (2010) A History of Children�s Play and Play Environments: Toward a Contemporary Child-Saving Movement. New York: Routledge. �Schools n New England colonies were small and uncomfortable with few furnishings and books. Many teachers were poorly prepared and most were intense disciplinarians, dealing out harsh punishment for infractions.� (Frost 2010: 36) �Education for boys was eventually provided in all the colonies but education for girls was considered less important than learning household duties.� (Frost 2010: 37) Chudacoff, Howard P. (2007) Children at Play. New York, NY: New York University Press. Parents [liberalize?] before schools. �Virtually all groups, including the Puritans, lavished affection on their children, disciplined them gently, and rationally tried to shield them from the adult world�s corruptions. (Chudacoff 2007: 19-20).� (Frost 2010: 38) Schlemmer, Bernard (2007) Working children in Fez, Morocco: Relationship between knowledge and strategies for social and professional integration. In Betrice Hungerland, Manfred Leibel, Brian Milne, and Anne Wihstutz (Eds.), Working to Be Someone: Child Focused Research and Practice with Working Children. (pp. 109-115). London, UK: Jessica Kingsley. As schooling fails to pay off financially, attendance declines, drop-out rates increase pages 109-115. �The substantial increase in very young boys deciding to leave school�� (Schlemmer 2007: 114) �School-taught knowledge is not considered crucial in Fez, a city where the craft industries are an open option for out-of-school children, and where master craftsmen are suspicious of any child intellectually too well equipped not to grow into a fearsome competitor; indeed, it is even felt to be a handicap or at best a waste of time.� (Schlemmer 2007: 114) McCorkle, Thomas (1965) Fajardo�s People: Cultural Adjustment in Venezuela; and the Little Community in Latin American and North American Contexts. Latin American Studies, vol. 1. Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Center. �Children are not required to go to bed at any particular time�toddlers may be seen in the street at a time when most people are sleeping, and may themselves fall asleep on the sidewalk in front of the house. School attendance is supposed to be compulsory, but parents only occasionally send a child to school and attendance is very irregular. Some ten-year-olds are still in the first grade and cannot yet read.� (McCorkle 1965: 74) Nabhan, Gary Paul and Stephen Trimble (1994) The Geography of Childhood: Why Children Need Wild Places. Boston: Beacon Press. Research in Arizona with native children. �What most disturbed us was that many kids know few of the basic facts about the desert that can only be learned first-hand and not through the media�Roughly a quarter of the Indian kids weren�t sure whether the aromatic creosote bush, known to them as �greasewood,� smelled stronger after rains than cactus did, even though older generations of Indians claimed that creosote gave their homeland its distinctive smell.� (Nabhan 1994: 91) �In certain Inuit communities, the impairment to vision known as myopia became commonplace with the first generation exposed to books and audiovisual media in the schools�No longer exercising their eyesight to read the rich and subtle landscapes of the north country, they did not receive the visual stimuli required to fully develop their eyes during critical stages in their early development.� (Nabhan & Trimble 1994: 89) Carpenter, Edmund Snow (1973) Eskimo Realities. Geneva, IL: Holt, Rinehart and Winston. �As observers, in both detail and precision, the Aivilik continually amazed me. Again and again, they saw what I did not. A seal on the ice was known to them long before I could see it, even when the direction was indicated. Yet my eyes are 20-20. Standing at the floe edge they could tell at a glance whether it was a bird or seal, a seal or square-flipper and the children would continue to watch long after it had disappeared from my view�� (Carpenter 1973: 26) Au, Terry Fit-fong, and Romo, Laura F. (1999) Mechanical Causality in Children�s �Folkbiology.� In Douglas L. Medin, & Scott Atran (Eds.), Folkbiology. Pp. 355-401. Cambridge,MA: MIT Press. �We are not convinced that children, or adults for that matter, spontaneously construct uniquely biological causal mechanisms for their everyday experience. No study that we know of has demonstrated that children or adults�without the benefit of science education�make use of such causal mechanisms to explain or reason about biological phenomena.� (Au 1999: 357) �Children and adults do not seem to construct uniquely biological causal mechanisms for their everyday experience. If inclusion of domain-specific causal devices or mechanisms is crucial for determining whether a set of folk beliefs qualifies as a fold theory, then most children and probably even adults do not develop a �folkbiology� unless given science input.� (Au 1999: 396) Bledsoe, Caroline (1992) The cultural transformation of Western education in Sierra Leone. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 62 (2): 182-202. ��rural Sierra Leoneans, the targets of some of the earliest educational experiments in West Africa, have used their own cultural framework to reinterpret the meaning of the new schools and learning philosophies that the colonial government and missionaries imposed on them�the Mende have situated formal education within local authority structures of obligation and mystical agency. They maintain that, since valued knowledge is a key economic and political commodity, teachers, as its proprietors or 'owners', can demand for imparting it compensation from those who benefit from it (p. 182).� �The necessity to work for and compensate teachers comprises the backbone of a fundamental cultural theory of child development, aptly summarised in the Sierra Leonean maxim 'No success without struggle'. This maxim implies that, in order to 'develop' (as the notion of social and economic advancement is translated into English), children cannot simply learn knowledge through intensive study: they must earn it (if necessary, through tolerating hunger, beatings, and sickness) from those who legitimately possess it, through proper channels of social recompense (p. 191).� �Successful children, therefore, are not free to enjoy unencumbered the rewards of their success; rather, they should bring benefits to their investors, rewarding them in proportion to the amount that the investor contributed to their eventual success (p. 191).� ��before their new knowledge and skills can bear fruit, children must display gratitude to their benefactors through labour, remittances, and unquestioning loyalty. Only after benefactors have testified to the children's worthiness will God finally bless them, thus rendering efficacious the knowledge they have learned and allowing them to advance. The blessings that young people earn from benefactors at each career step will produce further 'development'�Since blessings legitimate rights to certain domains of knowledge, how children learn-that is, through earning blessings-is as important as what they actually learn. Children who did not earn knowledge through blessings may find their knowledge a liability rather than an asset. Those who display a precocious fund of knowledge are either ignored or regarded with acute suspicion (p. 192)� �Although rural people may politely agree with the Western view that 'civilised' knowledge should be imparted freely, they regard schools as gateways through which a few privileged children pass, to gain control over powerful knowledge-in this case, knowledge of the outside cosmopolitan world and its mysterious technologies and lucrative opportunities (p. 193).� �[Teachers] use their proprietorship over 'civilised' knowledge to make ends meet. Hence, by contrast to the Western ideal, which assumes that teachers facilitate learning and freely dispense knowledge, rural teachers become knowledge brokers for valued knowledge of the cosmopolitan world. They write the most glowing letters of recommendation for scholarships for the most submissive students rather than the best scholars, a phenomenon by no means restricted to Sierra Leone. To loyal students they dispense information on how to survive in the modern system: how to dress for interviews, make contact with powerful bureaucrats, and fill in confusing application forms.(p. 194)� Students, of course, face a handicap in that the political weight of a school usually support the teachers. Those who are openly hostile to or insult their teachers run the risk of receiving poor grades or of being expelled (p. 195).� Bledsoe, Caroline H. and Robey, Kenneth M. (1986) Arabic literacy and secrecy among the Mende of Sierra Leone. Man, New Series, 21 (2): 202-226. �In the national to education system, the new status of schoolteacher in the local community is essentially a transformation to the traditional identity of zoo [secret society leader]. Both are knowledge brokers�of civilized and country knowledge, respectively. �School registration and other fees, with often end up in the teacher�s pockets; resemble the zoo�s initiation and �coming out� fees. As in traditional �bush schools� [of the secret societies] moreover children in government or mission schools are frequently treated as a source of labor. � Because the parents realize the importance of civilized education�, they seldom complain about the practices, especially since the teachers control the grade promotions of their children�Similarly, school teachers sometimes use their positions to obtain labor and money from students and parents as well as student labor on their farms and in their households.� (Bledsoe and Robey 1986: 218) Philips, Susan U. (1983) The Invisible Culture: Communication in Classroom and Community on the Warm Springs Indian Reservation. Long Grove, IL: Waveland �At Warm Springs one has the sense that both consciously and unconsciously visual reception is given priority as a general mode of learning. �productive competence in the form of physical activity conveyed in the visual channel is the primary way in which Indian children demonstrate both comprehension of what they have received and the mastery of new skills.� (Phillips 1983: 62) �Older Indian children engage in a great deal of intentional learning through watching others. They will stand by the side of older adults while the latter cook, sew, or chop wood. While they are not frequently exhorted to do this, old women recall being urged by their elders to watch adult activities so they would learn. There is considerably less in the way of the verbal explanation of how to do something before it is attempted that is so common in Anglo middle-class families.� (Phillips 1983: 63) Compare with Japanese classrooms where children�s behavior isn�t affected by teacher�s lack of attention or absence. �Interaction between children can occur at almost any time during official classroom interaction, but it flourishes wherever the teacher�s attention is not focused. When she is engaged in interaction with a small group or a single student, those students outside her involvement, whose attention should be focused on desk work, are most likely to become engaged in interaction with one another, than (90) those within her encounter. Yet even within her encounter those who are not being directly addressed or attended to by the teacher are more likely to become involved with one another than those being directly addressed�Teachers, who wish to sustain a controlled and orderly classroom, rather than one which is relaxed and casual, endeavor to minimize the amount of interaction between students.� (Phillips 1983: 90-1) �Indian students� behavior as listeners differs from that of Anglo students in ways that hold true for both first and sixth graders. The Indian students do not look at the teacher as much of the time as non-Indian students do. Their gaze is away from the teacher�s face more of the time that she is speaking. They also spend more of the time that the teacher is speaking gazing at one another. Indian students also provide fewer of the back channel signals that Anglos typically rely upon for evidence that their talk is being attended to. The Indian students nod in agreement with what the teacher is saying less than the Angle students. The contribute fewer expressions of enthusiasm such as �Yay,� �O boy,� and clapping when the teacher announces plans to carry out activities like story reading, free time, and field trips, that the children are thought to particularly enjoy.� (Phillips 1983: 101) ��defining Indian children as inattentive is partly due to cultural differences in signaling attention. It is also partly due to the fact that Indian children really do pay less attention to the teacher and more to their peers. And finally, it is also due to the fact that the type of attention Indians devote to their peers is culturally different from that of Anglos students.� (Phillips 1983: 103-4) Macedo, Silva Loped da Silva (2009) Indigenous School Policies and Politics: The Sociopolitical Relationship of Way�pi Amerindians to Brazilian and French Guyana Schooling. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 40(2): 170-186. �The demand for a school that �teaches well,� and �moves forward� is heard on both sides of the Brazil-French Guyana border, where the local groups of the Way�pi Amerindians are located.� (Macedo 2009: 170) ��teachers have knowledge and power. The authority of the teachers is based in their control of the school and of written papers found there, and more specifically on their control of the knowledge transmitted�the French and Portuguese languages and the concepts connected to these languages and to the Brazilian and French worlds. They control the activities and work done in classrooms, the space and time, the material goods and tools. For the Way�pi, knowledge is power, knowledge and power are ideas expressed by one term, which occupies the same semantic field. Those who are knowledgeable, the old men�� (Macedo 2009: 181) �When I asked a Way�pi from French Guyana why he sent his son to school he replied, �So he can come to know much, much more than me.�� (Macedo 2009: 184) Atran, Scott , Medin , Douglas and Ross, Norbert (2004) Evolution and devolution of knowledge: a tale of two biologies. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute 10(2): 395-420 �studies among Lacandon Maya also indicate intergenerational knowledge loss. Formerly, Lacandones lived in dispersed settlements, moving with the agricultural cycle. Their way of life changed dramatically in the 1970s when the regional state authorities induced them to settle in fixed village sites and take up a sedentary life of cultivation and wage labour. For the younger generation, village life has led to a loss of interest in and knowledge about the rainforest. Older Lacandones still conceive of the natural world in terms of a richly textured model of ecological interactions. In this they are guided by cosmological knowledge and an ability to make minute observations; for younger Lacandones these capacities are severely degraded. These generational differences are also reflected in agricultural practices (for example, little crop diversity and a focus on cash crops). (p. 415) Barnett, Homer G. (1979) Being a Paluan. New York: Holt, Rinehart, & Winston. �The Americans emphasize mass education and attempt to put all students through at least six grade. Progress is slow, for there are few textbooks in the Pulauan language and the village teachers, who are only beginning to speak English, lack materials upon which to draw from their own learning.� (Barnett 1979: 8) Watson-Gegeo, Karen Ann & Gegeo, David Welchman (1992) Schooling, knowledge, and power: Social transformation in the Solomon Islands. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 23(10); 10-29. �The rapid expansion of primary schools to meet development goals has been one factor in the decline of quality instruction since the late 1960s. This decline has apparently occurred in both boarding and the village schools. Since independence in 1978, expatriate teachers have increasingly been replaced by local teachers, many of whom do not have a command of Standard English, the language of instruction.� (Watson-Gegeo 1992: 17) �A major impact of the pattern of schooling in the Solomons has been to support a growing class of division among islanders and a growing inequity between urban and rural areas. The poor quality of teaching and the lack of resources in most rural schools guarantee that few children will pass the examinations for admission into secondary school. Those who do are most often channeled into a vocational rather than an academic secondary school. The majority who fail their exams return to the village, work on the plantations, or seek low-level jobs in town, often with a strong sense of defeat. Children of the urban elites attend well-endowed urban public or private schools, thereby guaranteeing that the elite group will perpetuate itself in the next generation.� (Watson-Gegeo 1992: 20) Goody, Ester N. (2006) Dynamics of the emergence of sociocultural institutional practices, in Technology, Literacy, and the Evolution of Society. Edited by David R. Olson and Michael Cole, Pp. 241-264. Nahwah, NJ: Erlbaum. Ghana. Mixed farming=women; Herding=men� �Most men keep one or more sons out of school, so they can keep cows away from growing crops (nowadays these cowherds are called cow boys). Youths who have not been to school are much less likely to leave the village in adulthood. This ensures the father of their labor as adults because even after they marry he can delay freeing them to farm separately for several years�Because few children understand much of what is taught in school�and thus most conspicuously fail�many boys today are eager to escape schooling to the freedom of the herdboy�s life. Further, there is a lack of suitable role models because the few educated men from the village have not prospered.� (Goody 2006: 245) �A recent review of basic education concluded that rural school are so poor (the few teachers come irregularly and teach badly) that in terms of schooling there are in fact two Ghanas, one for the urban elite and a different one for everyone else. The literate elite send their children to private schools, beginning with prekindergarten day nurseries. �Everyone knows� that this is necessary to get children into a �good� kindergarten, which is necessary to get the child into a �good� primary school, and so on through each step on the educational ladder up through university. In private schools, and even in some government primary schools, children are tested to be sure they can already read and write before they are accepted into first grade. Private tutoring�evenings, weekends, and during vacations�grows increasingly important as children reach post primary levels, with the accompanying regime of examinations. The child-rearing strategies of elite parents, like those it he West, are clearly focused on educational success.� (Goody 2006: 258) �Empirically, very few children complete primary school with basic literacy skills. Nationally, fewer then 10% meet basic norms for reading and mathematics. Scores are dramatically lower in rural areas. When parents see that (p. 258) children consistently fail, they question whether attending school provides any advantages for adulthood.� (Goody 2006: 259) Juul, Kristine (2008) Nomadic schools in Senegal: Manifestations of integration or ritual performance? In Marta Gutman and Ning de Coninck-Smith (Eds.), Designing Modern childhoods: History, Space, and the Material Culture of Children. Pp.152-170.New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press. �What does a state hope to gain from providing schooling to children of itinerant herders in the remotest areas of the nation, and what to the herders hope to achieve by sending their children to school?� (Juul 2008: 152) �Nonetheless, the promotion of formal education has had limited success in the Ferlo. While the veranda of the health clinic is full of elderly gentlemen in large turbans and ladies in colorful dresses and large golden earrings waiting or the nurse, the school rooms tend to be far quieter and in some cases even empty. In other cases children in blue and white school uniforms, struggling to follow what is happening at the blackboard; occupy a few of the school benches and tables. Although most of the local pupils speak Fulani as their mother tongue, the teacher, who usually comes from another region, seldom masters this language, and schoolbooks, if available, are written entirely in French. Hence, basic skills in reading, writing, and arithmetic are taught in either French or Wolof (one of the six national languages of Senegal, spoken by 70 percent of the population).� (Juul 2008: 153) �These herders depend heavily on the manpower of their children�Childhood consists of hard labor and many hot hours spent alone with the animals in a vast landscape of grasslands and busy shrubs. It is from the practice of herding and the lived experience of coping with a highly variable environment that the Fulani child is expected to acquire basic skills for his future success.� (Juul 2008: 156) �It was therefore surprising to find that although the situation in the borehole schools remained largely unchanged, a number of small, private schools were being established on the initiative of particularly wealthy, but also very mobile families in their (wet-season) encampment. What did these pastoral families hope to gain from hiring a private teacher and providing some secondhand school desks? And why was the formal system, provided by the Senegalese government, unable to fulfill what this alternative and unofficial educational system apparently managed to accomplish?� (Juul 2008: 157) �At the age of fifteen, a boy is expected to be able to carry out the same tasks as a grown-up herder, and thus to take over the herding tasks of his father and older relatives so that the older family members can engage in what Paul Riesman calls �socio-political work.� (Juul 2008: 158) Riesman, Paul (1974) Freedom in Fulani Social Life: An Introspective Ethnography. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. �In reality, the child spends a very large part of his childhood in the bush separated from his parents. In contrast to the camp, which is mainly the space of adults, the bush is the space of children�a space for learning but primarily a �free� space for play and dreaming�Having a successful career as a herdsman and building up a large herd is not so much a question of acquiring skills as of having struck it lucky.� (Riesman 1974: 159) �The great reluctance of the nomadic tribes to send their children to school prompted the colonial administration to set up a quota system whereby each tribe was required to send a number of children of high rank to attend school, a system that was know locally as �educational tax.��Traditional chiefs �substituted� the children of lower-ranking relatives, often kidnapped to meet the schooling quota, for their own children.� (Riesman 1974: 163) Slackman, Michael (2008) In Algeria, a tug of war for young minds. The New York Times, June 23rd, A1. /Accessed 7/30/08 �At a time of religious revival across the Muslim world, Algeria�s youth are in play. The focus of this contest is the schools, where for decades Islamists controlled what children learned, and how they learned, officials and education experts here said. Now the government is urgently trying to re-engineer Algerian identity, changing the curriculum to wrest momentum from the Islamists, provide its youth with more employable skills, and combat the terrorism it fears schools have inadvertently encouraged. It appears to be the most ambitious attempt in the region to change a school system to make its students less vulnerable to religious extremism.� (Slackman 2008: A1) �There is a sense that this country could still go either way. Young people here in the capital appear extremely observant, filling mosques for the daily prayers, insisting that they have a place to pray in school. The strictest form of Islam, Wahhabism from Saudi Arabia, has become the gold standard for the young.� (Slackman 2008: A1) �The schools are moving from rote learning � which was always linked to memorizing the Koran � to critical thinking, where teachers ask students to research subjects and think about concepts. Yet the students and teachers are still unprepared, untrained and, in many cases, unreceptive.� (Slackman 2008: A1) �But the call to jihad still tugs at Malek. In his world, jihad, or struggle, is a duty for Muslims� Four years ago, Amine Aba, 19, one of Malek�s best friends, decided it was time to take his religion more seriously, to stop listening to music, to stop dancing, to stop hanging around with Malek�� (Slackman 2008: A1) Compare Morocco� �The young men focused on trying to pass their exams, because Algiers is full of examples of those who have not. More than 500,000 students drop out each year, officials said � and only about 20 percent of students make it into high school. Only about half make it from high school into a university. A vast majority of dropouts are young men, who see no link between work and school. Young women tend to stick with school because, officials said, it offers independence from their parents.� (Slackman 2008: A1) �Algeria�s young men leave school because there is no longer any connection between education and employment, school officials said. The schools raise them to be religious, but do not teach them skills needed to get a job.� (Slackman 2008: A1) Culturally adapted schooling� Hermes, Mary (2005) �Ma�iingan is just a misspelling of the word wolf�: A case for teaching culture through language. Anthropology and Education Quarterly 36(1):43-56. �Although the tribal school had successfully added the teaching of Ojibwe language and culture to the curriculum, this did not necessarily produce any greater academic success than the counterpart public school, which did very little Ojibwe language and culture teaching. For example, there were no more students going on to two- or four-year colleges. Grades attendance, and test scores were not significantly better. No students gained Ojibwe language fluency for either the tribal or the public school�s Ojibwe program. However, self-esteem, self-confidence, community empowerment, and dropout prevention are all rightful successes that culture-based school does claim, and they were observed, although not quantified.� (Hermes 2005: 46) �Some students and staff discussed how they perceived the teaching of academic subjects to be at odds with teaching culture. This became an identity dilemma for some students, as they interpreted academic success as tantamount to assimilation.� (Hermes 2005: 46) Paradox that failure = "resisting assimilation," yet neither the students nor the parents make any special efforts to immerse themselves in cultural traditions. That is, half-hearted engagement with schoolwork is much less likely to lead to culture loss than the simple erosion of culture through the preferential importation of foreign technology, foods, entertainment and life-styles� Hornberger, Nancy (Ed) (2008) Can Schools Save Indigenous Languages?:Policy and Practice on Four Continents. New York: Palgrave Macmillan One consequence of the failure of public schools serving indigenous communities to prepare students for successful adaptation to the modern sector may be �mission creep.� If schools are failing at the original mission, perhaps a new one, such as preserving indigenous languages, can be added to their brief?... Lancy, David F. (1993) Qualitative Research in Education: An Introduction to the Major Traditions. White Plains, NY: Longman. The notion that children from indigenous societies and from at least some minority sub-cultures within developed countries do poorly in school because of a clash of cultures is extremely popular. So, too is the corollary notion that to enhance the success of these populations, the curriculum content, teaching methods and teaching staff should be drawn largely from the child�s natal culture. Several large-scale applications of this theory, notably for native Hawaiian and Navajo children, have been undertaken. I expressed (Lancy 1993: 42-3) considerable doubt about the success of claims made on behalf of these programs some years ago. What follows is a more recent and thorough review of the literature on culturally adapted schooling which finds little basis for continuing to subscribe to this theory� At a more profound level, the reader will, by now, have been persuaded that learning culture is what children do best. Children are far and away more facile at figuring out how other cultures work than their elders! Indeed, the very rare occasion when children teach those older than themselves occurs during rapid social change or following immigration and the children serve as culture brokers or interpreters for their older, slower-to-adapt kin. The idea that children en masse are unable to penetrate the culture of schooling, as opposed to struggling with specific aspects of schooling such as reading and arithmetic, just does not seem very credible� Goldenberg, Claude, Rueda, Robert S., and August, Dianne (2006a) Synthesis: Sociocultural contexts and literacy development. In Diane August and Timothy Shanahan (Eds.), Developing Literacy in Second-Language Learners: Report of the National Literacy Panel on Language Minority Children and Youth. Pp. 249-267. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. �There is weak evidence that sociocultural characteristics of students and teachers have in impact on reading and literacy outcomes One fairly consistent finding across a number of studies in that language-minority students� reading comprehension performance improves when they read culturally familiar materials. However, the language of the text appears to be a stronger influence on reading performance: Students perform better when they read or use material in the language they know better. The influence of cultural context is not as robust.� (Goldenberg 2006a: 256) Goldenberg, Claude, Rueda, Robert S., and August, Dianne (2006b) Sociocultural influences on the literacy attainment of language-minority children and youth. In Diane August and Timothy Shanahan (Eds.), Developing Literacy in Second-Language Learners: Report of the National Literacy Panel on Language Minority Children and Youth. Pp. 269-318. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum. �McCarthy (1993) describes a program, whose origins were in collaboration with the KEEP program (see Vogt, Jordan, & Tharpe 1987), �that was designed to tap the language and literacy strengths of Navajo bilingual learners� (Goldenberg 2006b: 183). The classrooms used pedagogy and curriculum associated with whole-language literacy approaches (e.g., children�s literature, authentic reading and writing experiences, cooperative learning, and language experience). To this extent, there was nothing unique to Navajo culture about the program. The primary cultural accommodation, in addition to use of the Navajo language in the classroom, was the content selected for the thematic units studied (e.g., wind, sheep, and corn), all of which are prominent in Navajo daily life. Students engaged in academically challenging tasks and learned basic and advanced literacy skills by studying such topics produced more favorable learning environments and enhanced literacy outcomes. McCarty reports rising scores on both locally developed and nationally standardized tests at the school, although it is difficult to link the curricular and instructional changes she describes with those changes in scores. The KEEP collaboration began in 1983 and lasted 5 years. Thereafter, a Title VII grand supported continued development and adaptation of the KEEP model with the Navajo children. The achievement data McCarty reports are for spring 1990 to spring 1991, when the Grades K-3 children in the Navajo language arts program achieved gains of 12 percentage points in locally developed literacy programs. During the same period, McCarty reports, Comprehensive Tests of Basic Skills (CTBS) percentile scores �more than doubled in reading vocabulary� (Goldenberg 2006b: 191). McCarty also presents examples of children�s writing, indicating the sorts of written work they were producing in the language arts program. McCarty�s claims of program effects are plausible, but the absence of a strong evaluation design, primarily a comparison group, attenuates her claims. The study�s design makes it difficult to determine whether the language arts program had an effect on children�s literacy outcomes, leaving moot the question of whether culturally accommodating curriculum materials had the hypothesized effect on literacy achievement.� (Goldenberg 2006b: 283) McCarty, Theresa (1993) Language, literacy, and the image of the child in American Indian classrooms. Language Arts 70(3): 182-192. �A study by Trueba et al. (1984) is comparable to the KEEP study� in that it attempted to make productive changes in classroom practice on the basis of data about children�s homes and communities. The researchers did not begin with an a priori conception of culture. Rather, the goal of the project was to discover aspects of bilingual Latino junior and senior high school students� home and community experiences that could inform instruction and then work with teachers to design modules incorporating that information into the writing curriculum. Lessons, discussions, and writing assignments were built around people and events in the community, such as functional writing assignments experienced by the students (paying bills or answering school-related queries for parents), low rides, a murder that had recently occurred, and a cheating survey the students had conducted. Pre- and post analyses of the students� writing showed that the Latino students had improved, although modestly (SD= .35), during the intervention, but were still below the district mastery level. Two design problems weaken the conclusions we can draw from this study. First, there was no comparison group, so it is impossible to interpret the growth in student writing scores; student writing and other academic skills are expected to improve over the school year even without a special intervention. Second, whatever growth in writing skills occurred could very well have been due to the students simply writing more and receiving more writing instruction. The authors report that, because writing is not part of the ESL curriculum, this was the first time some of the students had been asked to write in English.� (McCarty 1993: 293) Trueba, Henry, Moll, Luis, & D�az, Steven (1984) Improving the functional writing of bilingual secondary school students. (Report No. 400-81-0023). Washington, D.C.: National Institute of Education. �Goldberg and Gallimore (1991) studied a predominately Hispanic elementary school with a transitional bilingual program, where first- and second-grade children�s reading achievement (in Spanish) improved substantially over a 2- to 3-year period as a result of several changes in the school�s early literacy program. One of these changed involved increased parent and home involvement in children�s beginning literacy development. Whereas in previous years no systematic attempts had been made to involve parents in helping their children learn to read, teachers began sending books and other reading materials, including home work and other assignments designed to promote literacy. The authors report that parents were willing and able to help their children progress in early reading development, but that school staff tended to underestimate their potential contribution. The authors claim that the increased home and parent involvement helped improve early reading achievement from around the 30th national percentile to the around the 60th.� (Truba 1984: 296) Goldberg, Claude and Gallimore, Ronald (1991) Local knowledge, research knowledge, and educational change: A case study of early Spanish reading improvement. Educational Researcher 20(8): 2-14. Schooling and Children�s Work Assal, Adel and Farrell, Edwin (1992) Attempts to Make Meaning of Terror: Family, Play, and School in Time of Civil War. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 23(4): 275-290. �Lebanon, which became an independent republic in 1943, has always been factionalized. Civil war broke out in 1975.� (Assal 1992: 276) �These armies and militias were often allied with foreign countries. Arms came from outside Lebanon. The New York Times reported that 250,000 had died in the Lebanese civil war and that 800,000 had left the country.� (Assal 1992: 276) �A description of Lebanese youth coping with day-to-day events of war�� (Assal 1992: 277) �Public high schools were chaotic throughout the country. Private and religious schools, it was agreed, were better managed and controlled, and teachers were equally paid. Teachers and students spoke of school disruption, disrespect, and worse. �The highs school population declined dramatically during the war.� (Assal 1992: 283) Skoufias, Emmanuel (1994). Market wages, family composition and the time allocation of children in agricultural households. The Journal of Developmental Studies, 30:2, 335-360. Study done in 10 villages across rural India. �Girls from landless and small farm households appear to have considerably higher participation rates in labour market activities compared to boys. In addition, the participation rates of girls in productive activities within the household are consistently higher than those of boys with the majority of the girls� time devoted to domestic activities as opposed to crop production and animal husbandry activities performed by boys. Finally, increasing farm size of the household is associated with increased participation rates in schooling for both boys and girls, with the latter being substantially lower compared to the participation rates of boys.� (p 339-340) �Irrespective of age category, girls are more likely participants in labour market and home activities, whereas boys are more likely to be at school. Furthermore, boys are twice as likely to be at school at ages 14 to 17 than girls, although in general, school participation decrease with age irrespective of gender.� (p 340) ��boys and girls from lower and medium caste households are more likely participants in home activities than boys and girls from higher caste households (the omitted category). Girls from lower caste households are also more likely participants in the labour market. Also boys from households with a higher number of girls between the ages of five to 14 and more adult male members are less likely participants in home activities. The same is true for girls, but, in addition, the number of adult females in the household has a significantly negative coefficient in the HOME equation for girls.� (p 344) It appears that there are clear substitution effects�for any given chore, first choice=adult female, 2nd=girl, 3rd=boy. ��higher child wages lead to decreased leisure hours of both boys and girls.� (p 346) �Whereas higher male wage rates increase child time in schooling, higher female wage rates seem to have a negative impact.� (p 346) So if husbands have more money, children go to school, wives will work for wages and use children to do domestic work, e.g. not send them to school. Orme, Nicholas (2003) Medieval Children. London: Yale University Press. �There had to be a reason to justify paying for a child to learn in a classroom rather than helping with household tasks or earning money from work.� (Orme 2003: 306)�So although many went to school, some stayed for only short periods and others (the majority, it seems) did not go there at all. Most medieval people therefore learnt through hard work rather than at school. Even literary skills such as keeping accounts and writing them up, which could be acquired from specialist teachers, must often have been mastered �on the job� as an apprentice or a trainee clerk in a household. The process of learning to work starts early in life for even young children take pleasure in copying adults and helping them with tasks. This was so in the middle ages. We have seen how small girls followed their mothers in cooking or drawing water, while small boys were attracted to their fathers� work with tools and animals. Coroners� inquests and cases of trespass and damage show how older children gradually became involved in doing such tasks themselves. Already before they were seven, when they were sill infants in medieval parlance, they might be given simple household duties such as looking after younger siblings or fetching water from the well�A lad as young as seven could be given a (Orme 2003: 307) simple agricultural job such as bird-scaring or herding geese. Working with larger and more valuable beasts�sheep, pigs, cows, oxen, or horses�needed greater strength or experience.� (Orme 2003: 308). Interesting the conflicts between school and work (and family care) show up in contemporary US among adults: Lewin, Tamar (2009) College Dropouts Cite Low Money and High Stress. The New York Times. December 9th. Available: # HYPERLINK "/2009/12/10/education/10graduate.html?_r=2&emc=eta1&pagewanted=all" ##/2009/12/10/education/10graduate.html?_r=2&emc=eta1&pagewanted=all# Johnson, Jean, Rochkind, Jon, Ott, Amber N., and DuPont, Samantha (2009) With Their Whole Lives Ahead of Them, Report 1. Public Agenda. San Francisco: Creative Commons. Available: /files/pdf/theirwholelivesaheadofthem.pdf �The conventional wisdom is that students leave school because they aren�t willing to work hard and aren�t really interested in more education,� said Jean Johnson, executive vice president of Public Agenda. �What we found was almost precisely the opposite. Most work and go to school at the same time, and most are not getting financial help from their families or the system itself.� ��many have dependent children.� �The top reason the dropouts gave for leaving college was that it was just too hard to support themselves and go to school at the same time. Balancing work and school was a bigger barrier than finding money for tuition, they said.� �Frankie Barria, a 24-year-old former student from New York City, described the stops and starts of his educational journey. ��When I started college, I was living on my own at age 19,� Mr. Barria said. �My mom had left. Usually the bird leaves the nest, but in my case, the nest left the bird.� Mr. Barria first enrolled at City College, but found it �unbelievably hard� to do well in school and maintain his job, so he left school. Later, he completed a semester at Kingsborough Community College, but stopped when his job became too demanding. Eventually, he enrolled at Medgar Evers College, but did not finish even one semester. �Having a roof over my head and food to eat was more important,� he said.� �Asked to rate 12 possible changes, the dropouts� most popular solutions were allowing part-time students to qualify for financial aid, offering more courses on weekends and evenings, cutting costs and providing child care. The least popular were putting more classes online and making the college application process easier.� Hilary Pennington, a Gates Foundation education official, said two big factors associated with degree completion were going straight to college after high school and enrolling full time. Kenny, Mary Lorena (2007) Hidden Heads of Households: Child Labor in Urban Northeast Brazil. Buffalo, NY: Broadview Press. �Attending school full time, even for a short period, is a luxury most families cannot afford, as it means a loss of earnings. It interferes with domestic tasks, such as child care, cleaning, cooking, doing errands, fetching water, sweeping, and washing clothes, or is at odds with peak work hours. In order to optimize earnings, children may attend school on alternate days, or one is sent one day and another on a different day. Many attend school diligently the first few weeks, only to drop out after the first month.� (Kenny 2007: 87) �Those who have managed to complete some schooling do not necessarily have an advantage. Those with little or no formal study and those who have completed four years of schooling �substitute� for each other, meaning they compete equally against each other for the same jobs, and there is little differential in earnings (Kenny 2007: 88)�The children I met attended school sporadically and then stopped completely. Edna, a beggar, would cringe when she saw other 10-year-olds on the streets and say, �I feel ashamed, I have to put my head down. I can�t look at them. I